Foucault: Les aveux de la chair e a genealogia do sujeito desejante

Resenha de:Michel Foucault, Histoire de la sexualité IV. Les aveux de la chair, Ed. Frédéric Gros, Paris: Gallimard, 2018

O deficit ontológico da psicanálise: Foucault leitor de Hyppolite

O presente artigo procura lançar luz sobre a leitura que Foucault faz da psicanálise em sua introdução à Sonho e existência, de Ludwig Binswanger. De um ponto de vista estrutural, trata-se de mostrar que frente à analítica existencial do psiquiatra suíço, a psicanálise freudiana aparece como um método interpretativo limitado pois restrito a uma compreensão antropológica dos sonhos. Em contrapartida, em Binswanger, encontraríamos um método mais profundo de interpretação, já que ao lado de uma compreensão empírica do sonho, o psiquiatra existencialista propõe ainda uma compreensão transcendental deste; propõe que os sonhos sejam reveladores não somente da história individual de cada um, mas da própria condição existencial e ontológica do homem. De um ponto de vista genético, procuraremos mostrar que essa leitura que Foucault propõe da psicanálise é devedora de certa história da loso a feita por Jean Hyppolite, mais especi camente, da maneira como este leu Hegel e Heidegger

Psicologia concreta e humanismo: Foucault crítico de Politzer

No presente artigo pretendo confrontar a crítica que Foucault faz à psicologia e a psicanálise em seus textos da década de 1950, com aquela que Georges Politzer desenvolve em seu famoso Crítica dos fundamentos da psicologia, de 1928.  Trata-se de mostrar que apesar de alguns pontos de convergência, a crítica de Foucault é, desde o início, mais radical que a de Politzer e atinge a própria psicologia concreta proposta por este. &nbsp

A trajetória intelectual de Canguilhem

Georges Canguilhem, Résistence, philosophie biologique et histoire des sciences 1940–1965 (Oeuvres Complètes, tome IV). Paris: Vrin, 2015

Da ilusão transcendental à ilusão antropológica: Foucault em defesa de Kant

O presente artigo procura lançar luz sobre a figura do homem moderno enquanto um duplo empírico transcendental, tal como a caracteriza Michel Foucault, principalmente em As palavras e as coisas e na introdução à Antropologia de um ponto de vista pragmáticode Kant. Segundo Foucault, nossa modernidade é marcada pela descoberta kantiana do transcendental. Desde então, o homem pode ser pensado tanto empiricamente quanto transcendentalmente; tanto em suas determinações empíricas quanto em suas condições de possibilidade. A diferença entre empírico e transcendental que, em Kant, designa duas maneiras possíveis de pensar o homem sofrerá, contudo, uma inflexão, e passará a designar uma diferença ontológica no interior do próprio homem. A nova figura do homem como duplo empírico transcendental será fruto, portanto, de uma confusão entre aquilo que é da ordem do empírico e aquilo que é da ordem do transcendental. Tal confusão será denominada por Foucault de ilusão antropológica e deverá ser compreendida como uma nova interpretação e uma repetição da ilusão transcendental apontada por Kant na Crítica da razão pura. Assim, se a ilusão transcendental consistia numa transgressão natural da razão para além dos limites da experiência, a ilusão antropológica consistirá numa transgressão do alerta kantiano acerca da distinção entre empírico e transcendental, uma vez que pretenderá conhecer positivamente a finitude que está na origem da ilusão transcendental.This paper attempts to shed light on the figure of the modern man as an empirical transcendental double such as characterized by Michel Foucault in The order of things, and in Introduction to Kant’s Anthropology from a pragmatic point of view. According to Foucault, our modernity is marked by Kant’s discovery of the transcendental. Since then, man may be thought empirically or transcendentally; in its empirical aspects or in its conditions of possibility. The difference between empirical and transcendental that in Kant represents two possible ways of thinking man will, however, suffer an inflection, coming to designate an ontological difference in man itself. The new figure of man as a double is therefore a result of one confusion between what is empirical and what is transcendental. Such confusion will be called by Foucault anthropological illusion and must be understood as a new interpretation and as a repetition of transcendental illusion pointed out by Kant in Critique of Pure Reason. Hence, if the first illusion was a transgression of natural reason beyond the limits of experience, the second will consist in a transgression of Kant’s distinction between empirical and transcendental, since it intends to know positively the finiteness that is in the origin of the transcendental illusion

Foucault’s critical philosophy: a refusal of the transcendental?

The present article aims to maintain that, in Foucault, there is a critical philosophy that cannot be understood exactly on the same terms as Kant’s critical philosophy. Even though Foucault’s critical philosophy investigates the conditions in which knowledge is possible, such conditions are not transcendental possibility conditions, as they are in Kant. Foucault’s critical interest is not on the universal subjective conditions that, generally speaking, make true knowledge possible, but on the singular conditions that make it so that, at a specific period, a field of knowledge can exist. In this sense, we can say that the Foucault’s critical philosophy is a reversal of the Kant’s critical philosophy.O presente artigo pretende defender que, em Foucault, há uma filosofia crítica que não pode ser compreendida exatamente nos mesmos termos que a filosofia crítica de Kant. Apesar de a filosofia crítica de Foucault investigar as condições de possibilidades de um saber, tais condições não são condições transcendentais de possibilidade, assim como em Kant. O interesse crítico de Foucault não é pelas condições subjetivas universais que possibilitam, em geral, o conhecimento verdadeiro, mas pelas condições singulares ou históricas que fazem com que, numa determinada época, um campo de saber possa existir. Nesse sentido, pode-se mesmo dizer que a filosofia crítica de Foucault consiste numa inversão da filosofia crítica de Kant

Height and body-mass index trajectories of school-aged children and adolescents from 1985 to 2019 in 200 countries and territories: a pooled analysis of 2181 population-based studies with 65 million participants

Summary Background Comparable global data on health and nutrition of school-aged children and adolescents are scarce. We aimed to estimate age trajectories and time trends in mean height and mean body-mass index (BMI), which measures weight gain beyond what is expected from height gain, for school-aged children and adolescents. Methods For this pooled analysis, we used a database of cardiometabolic risk factors collated by the Non-Communicable Disease Risk Factor Collaboration. We applied a Bayesian hierarchical model to estimate trends from 1985 to 2019 in mean height and mean BMI in 1-year age groups for ages 5–19 years. The model allowed for non-linear changes over time in mean height and mean BMI and for non-linear changes with age of children and adolescents, including periods of rapid growth during adolescence. Findings We pooled data from 2181 population-based studies, with measurements of height and weight in 65 million participants in 200 countries and territories. In 2019, we estimated a difference of 20 cm or higher in mean height of 19-year-old adolescents between countries with the tallest populations (the Netherlands, Montenegro, Estonia, and Bosnia and Herzegovina for boys; and the Netherlands, Montenegro, Denmark, and Iceland for girls) and those with the shortest populations (Timor-Leste, Laos, Solomon Islands, and Papua New Guinea for boys; and Guatemala, Bangladesh, Nepal, and Timor-Leste for girls). In the same year, the difference between the highest mean BMI (in Pacific island countries, Kuwait, Bahrain, The Bahamas, Chile, the USA, and New Zealand for both boys and girls and in South Africa for girls) and lowest mean BMI (in India, Bangladesh, Timor-Leste, Ethiopia, and Chad for boys and girls; and in Japan and Romania for girls) was approximately 9–10 kg/m2. In some countries, children aged 5 years started with healthier height or BMI than the global median and, in some cases, as healthy as the best performing countries, but they became progressively less healthy compared with their comparators as they grew older by not growing as tall (eg, boys in Austria and Barbados, and girls in Belgium and Puerto Rico) or gaining too much weight for their height (eg, girls and boys in Kuwait, Bahrain, Fiji, Jamaica, and Mexico; and girls in South Africa and New Zealand). In other countries, growing children overtook the height of their comparators (eg, Latvia, Czech Republic, Morocco, and Iran) or curbed their weight gain (eg, Italy, France, and Croatia) in late childhood and adolescence. When changes in both height and BMI were considered, girls in South Korea, Vietnam, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, and some central Asian countries (eg, Armenia and Azerbaijan), and boys in central and western Europe (eg, Portugal, Denmark, Poland, and Montenegro) had the healthiest changes in anthropometric status over the past 3·5 decades because, compared with children and adolescents in other countries, they had a much larger gain in height than they did in BMI. The unhealthiest changes—gaining too little height, too much weight for their height compared with children in other countries, or both—occurred in many countries in sub-Saharan Africa, New Zealand, and the USA for boys and girls; in Malaysia and some Pacific island nations for boys; and in Mexico for girls. Interpretation The height and BMI trajectories over age and time of school-aged children and adolescents are highly variable across countries, which indicates heterogeneous nutritional quality and lifelong health advantages and risks

Worldwide trends in hypertension prevalence and progress in treatment and control from 1990 to 2019: a pooled analysis of 1201 population-representative studies with 104 million participants.

BACKGROUND: Hypertension can be detected at the primary health-care level and low-cost treatments can effectively control hypertension. We aimed to measure the prevalence of hypertension and progress in its detection, treatment, and control from 1990 to 2019 for 200 countries and territories. METHODS: We used data from 1990 to 2019 on people aged 30-79 years from population-representative studies with measurement of blood pressure and data on blood pressure treatment. We defined hypertension as having systolic blood pressure 140 mm Hg or greater, diastolic blood pressure 90 mm Hg or greater, or taking medication for hypertension. We applied a Bayesian hierarchical model to estimate the prevalence of hypertension and the proportion of people with hypertension who had a previous diagnosis (detection), who were taking medication for hypertension (treatment), and whose hypertension was controlled to below 140/90 mm Hg (control). The model allowed for trends over time to be non-linear and to vary by age. FINDINGS: The number of people aged 30-79 years with hypertension doubled from 1990 to 2019, from 331 (95% credible interval 306-359) million women and 317 (292-344) million men in 1990 to 626 (584-668) million women and 652 (604-698) million men in 2019, despite stable global age-standardised prevalence. In 2019, age-standardised hypertension prevalence was lowest in Canada and Peru for both men and women; in Taiwan, South Korea, Japan, and some countries in western Europe including Switzerland, Spain, and the UK for women; and in several low-income and middle-income countries such as Eritrea, Bangladesh, Ethiopia, and Solomon Islands for men. Hypertension prevalence surpassed 50% for women in two countries and men in nine countries, in central and eastern Europe, central Asia, Oceania, and Latin America. Globally, 59% (55-62) of women and 49% (46-52) of men with hypertension reported a previous diagnosis of hypertension in 2019, and 47% (43-51) of women and 38% (35-41) of men were treated. Control rates among people with hypertension in 2019 were 23% (20-27) for women and 18% (16-21) for men. In 2019, treatment and control rates were highest in South Korea, Canada, and Iceland (treatment >70%; control >50%), followed by the USA, Costa Rica, Germany, Portugal, and Taiwan. Treatment rates were less than 25% for women and less than 20% for men in Nepal, Indonesia, and some countries in sub-Saharan Africa and Oceania. Control rates were below 10% for women and men in these countries and for men in some countries in north Africa, central and south Asia, and eastern Europe. Treatment and control rates have improved in most countries since 1990, but we found little change in most countries in sub-Saharan Africa and Oceania. Improvements were largest in high-income countries, central Europe, and some upper-middle-income and recently high-income countries including Costa Rica, Taiwan, Kazakhstan, South Africa, Brazil, Chile, Turkey, and Iran. INTERPRETATION: Improvements in the detection, treatment, and control of hypertension have varied substantially across countries, with some middle-income countries now outperforming most high-income nations. The dual approach of reducing hypertension prevalence through primary prevention and enhancing its treatment and control is achievable not only in high-income countries but also in low-income and middle-income settings. FUNDING: WHO

Worldwide trends in hypertension prevalence and progress in treatment and control from 1990 to 2019: a pooled analysis of 1201 population-representative studies with 104 million participants

Background Hypertension can be detected at the primary health-care level and low-cost treatments can effectively control hypertension. We aimed to measure the prevalence of hypertension and progress in its detection, treatment, and control from 1990 to 2019 for 200 countries and territories. Methods We used data from 1990 to 2019 on people aged 30-79 years from population-representative studies with measurement of blood pressure and data on blood pressure treatment. We defined hypertension as having systolic blood pressure 140 mm Hg or greater, diastolic blood pressure 90 mm Hg or greater, or taking medication for hypertension. We applied a Bayesian hierarchical model to estimate the prevalence of hypertension and the proportion of people with hypertension who had a previous diagnosis (detection), who were taking medication for hypertension (treatment), and whose hypertension was controlled to below 140/90 mm Hg (control). The model allowed for trends over time to be non-linear and to vary by age. Findings The number of people aged 30-79 years with hypertension doubled from 1990 to 2019, from 331 (95% credible interval 306-359) million women and 317 (292-344) million men in 1990 to 626 (584-668) million women and 652 (604-698) million men in 2019, despite stable global age-standardised prevalence. In 2019, age-standardised hypertension prevalence was lowest in Canada and Peru for both men and women; in Taiwan, South Korea, Japan, and some countries in western Europe including Switzerland, Spain, and the UK for women; and in several low-income and middle-income countries such as Eritrea, Bangladesh, Ethiopia, and Solomon Islands for men. Hypertension prevalence surpassed 50% for women in two countries and men in nine countries, in central and eastern Europe, central Asia, Oceania, and Latin America. Globally, 59% (55-62) of women and 49% (46-52) of men with hypertension reported a previous diagnosis of hypertension in 2019, and 47% (43-51) of women and 38% (35-41) of men were treated. Control rates among people with hypertension in 2019 were 23% (20-27) for women and 18% (16-21) for men. In 2019, treatment and control rates were highest in South Korea, Canada, and Iceland (treatment >70%; control >50%), followed by the USA, Costa Rica, Germany, Portugal, and Taiwan. Treatment rates were less than 25% for women and less than 20% for men in Nepal, Indonesia, and some countries in sub-Saharan Africa and Oceania. Control rates were below 10% for women and men in these countries and for men in some countries in north Africa, central and south Asia, and eastern Europe. Treatment and control rates have improved in most countries since 1990, but we found little change in most countries in sub-Saharan Africa and Oceania. Improvements were largest in high-income countries, central Europe, and some upper-middle-income and recently high-income countries including Costa Rica, Taiwan, Kazakhstan, South Africa, Brazil, Chile, Turkey, and Iran. Interpretation Improvements in the detection, treatment, and control of hypertension have varied substantially across countries, with some middle-income countries now outperforming most high-income nations. The dual approach of reducing hypertension prevalence through primary prevention and enhancing its treatment and control is achievable not only in high-income countries but also in low-income and middle-income settings. Copyright (C) 2021 World Health Organization; licensee Elsevier