Até quando preciso usar a imaginação?

When premises are presented in the context of amake-believe game, 4 to 6 year-old children can reason about syllogismswhith contents that run directly counter to their beliefs (Dias e Harris.1988a, b, c). In the present study, we extent the age range to include 7 to10-years-old in order to find out whether older children dispense the use ofa "make-believe world" as an aid to solve contrary facts syllogisms. Theresults showed that, in a first phase, from 5 to 9 years of age, childrenneed the support of make-believe context to reason correctly. In a secondphase, from 10 years of age, children seem to reason correctly withpropositions that previously, without the support of a fíctitíous context,would be rejected as untrue or bizarre.A apresentação de premissas em um contexto de brincadeira de faz-de-conta melhora o desempenho de crianças de quatro a seis anos na resolução de problemas silogísticos envolvendo fatos contrários à realidade (Dias e Harris, 1988a, b, c). Perguntou-se, então, em que idade crianças mais velhas dispensariam o uso do "mundo imaginário" como uma ajuda para resolver este tipo de problema. Os resultados mostram que o desenvolvimento da habilidade para raciocinar com premissas que violam o conhecimento empírico, em uma primeira fase, dos cinco aos nove anos de idade, necessita de um contexto de faz-de-conta. Em uma segunda etapa, a partir dos 10 anos, as crianças parecem começar a raciocinar silogisticamente com premissas que anteriormente seriam rejeitadas como falsas ou estranhas, sem o suporte de um contexto fictício

Sobre o debate freqüentista versus probabilista: "sorte de tolo" torna-se uma explicação plausível

Um debate entre Kahneman e colaboradores por um lado, e Gigerenzer e colaboradores e Cosmides e colaboradores por outro, tem ocorrido na área de raciocínio sobre probabilidades condicionais. Kahneman e Tversky propuseram que as pessoas tipicamente representam informações em termos de exemplos individuais, e, então, elas fazem julgamentos usando processos de raciocínio que se baseiam em tais exemplos. Cosmides e colaboradores, entretanto, propuseram que as pessoas tipicamente representam informações sobre freqüências populacionais. Uma série de problemas metodológicos nas comparações entre problemas freqüentistas e probabilistas levantadas por Gingerenzer e Hoffrage e por Cosmides e Tooby é discutida. Finalmente, discutimos uma possível estratégia, denominada por O'Brien, Roazzi e Dias de teoria Sorte de Tolo. Este artigo assegura que os problemas de formato freqüentista permitem a existência de uma estratégia de adivinhação que não existe nos problemas de formato probabilista, e levanta a possibilidade de que toda a literatura nesta área tem falsamente assumido que as respostas corretas se originam de apropriadas linhas de raciocínio, enquanto que respostas incorretas não, o que indica, de certa forma, que nem respostas corretas nem incorretas têm se originado de linhas de raciocínio Bayesiano.<br>A debate between Kahneman and Tversky and their associates, on the one hand, and Gigerenzer and his associates and Cosmides and her associates, on the other hand, has been fought in the area of reasoning about conditional probabilities. Kahneman and Tversky proposed that people typically represent information in terms of individual exemplars, and thus people make judgments using reasoning processes that are based on such individual exemplars. Cosmides and Gigerenzer and their associates, however, proposed that people typically represent information about population frequencies. A series of confounds in the comparisons between frequentist and probabilist problems by Gigerenzer and Hoffrage, and by Cosmides and Tooby are discussed.. Finally, we discuss a possible strategy, labeled by O'Brien, Roazzi and Dias as "the dumb-luck theory". This proposal holds that frequentist-formatted problems made available a successful guessing strategy that was not available on the probabilist-formatted problems, and the proposal opens the possibility that the entire research literature in this area has falsely assumed that correct answers stem from appropriate lines of reasoning, whereas incorrect answers do not, indicating in such a way that neither the correct nor the incorrect answers have stemmed from Bayesian lines of reasoning at all

Pervasive gaps in Amazonian ecological research

Biodiversity loss is one of the main challenges of our time,1,2 and attempts to address it require a clear un derstanding of how ecological communities respond to environmental change across time and space.3,4 While the increasing availability of global databases on ecological communities has advanced our knowledge of biodiversity sensitivity to environmental changes,5–7 vast areas of the tropics remain understudied.8–11 In the American tropics, Amazonia stands out as the world’s most diverse rainforest and the primary source of Neotropical biodiversity,12 but it remains among the least known forests in America and is often underrepre sented in biodiversity databases.13–15 To worsen this situation, human-induced modifications16,17 may elim inate pieces of the Amazon’s biodiversity puzzle before we can use them to understand how ecological com munities are responding. To increase generalization and applicability of biodiversity knowledge,18,19 it is thus crucial to reduce biases in ecological research, particularly in regions projected to face the most pronounced environmental changes. We integrate ecological community metadata of 7,694 sampling sites for multiple or ganism groups in a machine learning model framework to map the research probability across the Brazilian Amazonia, while identifying the region’s vulnerability to environmental change. 15%–18% of the most ne glected areas in ecological research are expected to experience severe climate or land use changes by 2050. This means that unless we take immediate action, we will not be able to establish their current status, much less monitor how it is changing and what is being lostinfo:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersio

Pervasive gaps in Amazonian ecological research

Biodiversity loss is one of the main challenges of our time,1,2 and attempts to address it require a clear understanding of how ecological communities respond to environmental change across time and space.3,4 While the increasing availability of global databases on ecological communities has advanced our knowledge of biodiversity sensitivity to environmental changes,5,6,7 vast areas of the tropics remain understudied.8,9,10,11 In the American tropics, Amazonia stands out as the world's most diverse rainforest and the primary source of Neotropical biodiversity,12 but it remains among the least known forests in America and is often underrepresented in biodiversity databases.13,14,15 To worsen this situation, human-induced modifications16,17 may eliminate pieces of the Amazon's biodiversity puzzle before we can use them to understand how ecological communities are responding. To increase generalization and applicability of biodiversity knowledge,18,19 it is thus crucial to reduce biases in ecological research, particularly in regions projected to face the most pronounced environmental changes. We integrate ecological community metadata of 7,694 sampling sites for multiple organism groups in a machine learning model framework to map the research probability across the Brazilian Amazonia, while identifying the region's vulnerability to environmental change. 15%–18% of the most neglected areas in ecological research are expected to experience severe climate or land use changes by 2050. This means that unless we take immediate action, we will not be able to establish their current status, much less monitor how it is changing and what is being lost

Heterogeneous contributions of change in population distribution of body mass index to change in obesity and underweight NCD Risk Factor Collaboration (NCD-RisC)

From 1985 to 2016, the prevalence of underweight decreased, and that of obesity and severe obesity increased, in most regions, with significant variation in the magnitude of these changes across regions. We investigated how much change in mean body mass index (BMI) explains changes in the prevalence of underweight, obesity, and severe obesity in different regions using data from 2896 population-based studies with 187 million participants. Changes in the prevalence of underweight and total obesity, and to a lesser extent severe obesity, are largely driven by shifts in the distribution of BMI, with smaller contributions from changes in the shape of the distribution. In East and Southeast Asia and sub-Saharan Africa, the underweight tail of the BMI distribution was left behind as the distribution shifted. There is a need for policies that address all forms of malnutrition by making healthy foods accessible and affordable, while restricting unhealthy foods through fiscal and regulatory restrictions

Worldwide trends in underweight and obesity from 1990 to 2022: a pooled analysis of 3663 population-representative studies with 222 million children, adolescents, and adults

Background Underweight and obesity are associated with adverse health outcomes throughout the life course. We estimated the individual and combined prevalence of underweight or thinness and obesity, and their changes, from 1990 to 2022 for adults and school-aged children and adolescents in 200 countries and territories. Methods We used data from 3663 population-based studies with 222 million participants that measured height and weight in representative samples of the general population. We used a Bayesian hierarchical model to estimate trends in the prevalence of different BMI categories, separately for adults (age ≥20 years) and school-aged children and adolescents (age 5–19 years), from 1990 to 2022 for 200 countries and territories. For adults, we report the individual and combined prevalence of underweight (BMI 2 SD above the median). Findings From 1990 to 2022, the combined prevalence of underweight and obesity in adults decreased in 11 countries (6%) for women and 17 (9%) for men with a posterior probability of at least 0·80 that the observed changes were true decreases. The combined prevalence increased in 162 countries (81%) for women and 140 countries (70%) for men with a posterior probability of at least 0·80. In 2022, the combined prevalence of underweight and obesity was highest in island nations in the Caribbean and Polynesia and Micronesia, and countries in the Middle East and north Africa. Obesity prevalence was higher than underweight with posterior probability of at least 0·80 in 177 countries (89%) for women and 145 (73%) for men in 2022, whereas the converse was true in 16 countries (8%) for women, and 39 (20%) for men. From 1990 to 2022, the combined prevalence of thinness and obesity decreased among girls in five countries (3%) and among boys in 15 countries (8%) with a posterior probability of at least 0·80, and increased among girls in 140 countries (70%) and boys in 137 countries (69%) with a posterior probability of at least 0·80. The countries with highest combined prevalence of thinness and obesity in school-aged children and adolescents in 2022 were in Polynesia and Micronesia and the Caribbean for both sexes, and Chile and Qatar for boys. Combined prevalence was also high in some countries in south Asia, such as India and Pakistan, where thinness remained prevalent despite having declined. In 2022, obesity in school-aged children and adolescents was more prevalent than thinness with a posterior probability of at least 0·80 among girls in 133 countries (67%) and boys in 125 countries (63%), whereas the converse was true in 35 countries (18%) and 42 countries (21%), respectively. In almost all countries for both adults and school-aged children and adolescents, the increases in double burden were driven by increases in obesity, and decreases in double burden by declining https://researchonline.ljmu.ac.uk/images/research_banner_face_lab_290.jpgunderweight or thinness. Interpretation The combined burden of underweight and obesity has increased in most countries, driven by an increase in obesity, while underweight and thinness remain prevalent in south Asia and parts of Africa. A healthy nutrition transition that enhances access to nutritious foods is needed to address the remaining burden of underweight while curbing and reversing the increase in obesity

A representação da desigualdade econômica em crianças e adolescentes de nível socioeconômico diferentes The representation of economic inequality in children and adolescents of different social economical status

Existe uma controvérsia na literatura relativa ao desenvolvimento da representação da desigualdade econômica. A questão levantada por estas investigações é: Os atributos do conhecimento desta noção de desigualdade econômica são coletivos ou individuais? Uma investigação foi planejada com uma amostra de 85 participantes de origem sócio-econômica diferenciada: 30 adolescentes oriundos de famílias de NSE médio e 55 adolescentes oriundos de famílias de NSE baixo (30 morando com os pais e 25 morando na rua). Foram utilizados desenhos de pessoas representando ocupações que os participantes deviam ordenar em função de remuneração, atribuir salário e avaliar a satisfação. Os resultados apontam para a existência de uma relação entre pertencer a um determinado grupo sócio-cultural e aspectos cognitivos da forma de representação das desigualdades econômicas em nossa sociedade. De fato, as recompensas de salários associados com ocupações em diferentes posições na estratificação, são representadas diferentemente em função do nível sócio-econômico e experiência sociocultural do participante. Assim, é possível considerar que a estrutura do sistema de atividades sobre-individuais na qual a criança está inserida desempenha um papel crucial no desenvolvimento de formas específicas de representação da desigualdade social. Estes resultados e suas implicações para a compreensão do processo de socialização são discutidos.There is a controversy in the literature concerning the development of children's representations of economic inequality. The issue is whether the attributes of children's concept of economic inequality are fundamentally collective or individual? An investigation was planned with a sample of 85 subject of different social economical status (SES): 30 adolescents from high SES families and 55 from low SES families (30 living with their parents and 25 living in the street). Pictures of people representing different professions were used, which participants had to put in order according to remuneration, attributing wages and evaluating satisfaction. The results point out the existence of a relationship between belonging to a certain social-cultural group and cognitive aspects of how economic inequalities are represented in our society. In fact, remunerations associated with different types of occupations were represented differently depending of social economical status and cultural experience of the participant. Thus, it's possible to consider that the structure of the system of super-individual activities in which the child is inserted plays a crucial part in the development of specific forms of social inequality representation. These results and its implications for an understanding of the socialization process are discussed

Leitor e leituras: considerações sobre gêneros textuais e construção de sentidos Reader and reading: considerations about text types and meaning construction

O presente artigo aborda a leitura como uma atividade de construção de sentidos que implica a relação dinâmica entre leitor e texto. Primeiramente, apresenta-se a idéia de que a leitura varia de acordo com o leitor e seus objetivos, concebendo-a como uma atividade afetivo-cognitiva e como prática social. Posteriormente, discutem-se os conceitos de texto, contexto e gênero textual, enfatizando-se a idéia de que o sentido se constitui na relação dialética entre autor/texto/leitor/contexto, sendo esta relação a que favorece uma multiplicidade de sentidos e que, ao mesmo tempo, delimita as possibilidades desta variação, determinando o jogo do implícito e do explícito.<br>The present paper emphasizes reading as an activity of meaning construction which implies the dynamic relationship between reader and text. First we present the idea that reading varies accord to the reader and his aims. The reader can concept it as a cognitive- affective activity and a social practice. Later we discuss the text concepts, context and textual types, with the focus in the idea the meaning is constituted in the dialectic relationship among author/text/reader/context. This relationship is which offers many meaning and at the same time, gives limits to the possibilities of the variations and also determines the game of the implicit and the explicit