Fußball und Nation-Building in Südafrika

Die Diplomarbeit beschäftigt sich mit der Bedeutung des Fußballs als identitätsstiftendes Mittel in der Republik Südafrika während der Apartheid bzw. in den Jahren danach bis zur Gegenwart. Im Vorfeld steht die Frage, inwieweit Fußball als völkerverbindendes (damit sind die unterschiedlichsten Bevölkerungsgruppen innerhalb Südafrikas gemeint) Mittel in einem sozialen und politischen Kontext gesehen und verwendet werden kann. Im Zuge der Bedeutung des Fußballs als möglicher Brückenschlag zwischen der weißen und der schwarzen Bevölkerung stellt sich des Weiteren die Frage, inwieweit Sport eine Rolle im Nation-Building-Prozess Südafrikas spielt. Wichtig ist hierbei jedoch die Definition einer Nation, die in Südafrika, wie in anderen Staaten Afrikas, nicht als homogener Nationalstaat angesehen werden kann. Die theoretische Basis bildet die Kritische Theorie, die im Gegensatz zu anderen theoretischen Ansätzen, die Komplexität, Vielschichtigkeit und Widersprüchlichkeit sozialer Systeme im Zusammenhang mit Sport berücksichtigt und sich somit für die Analyse Südafrikas qualifiziert. Des Weiteren wird der internationale Sportboykott und seine Auswirkungen auf die Sportpolitik der Apartheid als auch die Bedeutung der 2010 in Südafrika stattfindenden Fußball-WM für den Aufbau der Regenbogennation beleuchtet. Zur Beantwortung der Fragestellung dienen, neben der Analyse von ausgewählter Sekundärliteratur, zwei Experteninterviews

Hidden agenda? Cultural policy in Hong Kong’s urban redevelopment

For many years industrial buildings in Hong Kong have formed some of the city’s most vibrant cultural clusters by providing local artists with low-cost space to pursue their creative work. However, recent efforts by the government also targeted these areas for commercial revitalization. By 2020 the industrial part of Kwun Tong, a densely populated district in Kowloon East, will not only have been transformed into the city’s second Central Business District, but also seen the majority of the current cultural workers leaving due to the rapid valorisation of land. Nevertheless, these ongoing struggles over spatial power have also opened up a new space for a critical debate on Hong Kong’s urban planning and cultural policy strategies. This research uses the non-compliant Kwun Tong livehouse Hidden Agenda as a case study to shed light on the prospects for Hong Kong’s cultural diversity in its material, social and symbolic form of cultural clusters. By critically investigating research across different disciplines, I argue that—although the mere exposure of the contradictions between cultural planning and urban creativity discourses is significant—the governmental conditions that have been enabling the emergence of such spaces in the first place are often neglected by scholars and planners alike. Therefore, in order to understand both the destructive and productive impact of spatial power on Hong Kong’s cultural production, this thesis aims to examine the room for maneuvers within planning and policy discourses by expanding the Foucauldian approach of cultural policy studies to the domain of space

Strategische Ambivalenz: der Umgang Jörg Haiders mit dem NS-Thema

"Is Jörg Haider a »Nazi« as his praise for employment policies in the Third Reich as well as for the Waffen-SS suggests? Do such statements come out of his socialization in a political subculture which has close affinities to the NSDAP? The present papers does not pretend to answer these questions. It analyzes Jörg Haider’s public disourse on the Nazi regime and Austria’s Nazi past in terms of strategic choice. The conclusions it reaches are threefold. First, Jörg Haiders usual handling of this sensitive theme appears as perfectly rational and strategic. Second, Haider’s strategy focuses primarily on the group of potential voters, while at the same time it neglects the hard-core german-national camp. Third, Haider’s statements are in harmony with much of the general population’s attitude towards National Socialism: They are unclear, unsensitive, euphemistic, and ambivalent." [author's abstract

Die Konstruktion der Ausländerfrage in Österreich: eine Analyse des öffentlichen Diskurses 1990

"In Austria, until 1990 public debates about migration policy were rare events. In march 1990, however, the search for accommodations for Rumanian asylum seekers in a small provincial town created the perception of an immigration problem (“Ausländerproblem”) from one day to another. From that time onwards, immigration and policies towards foreigners have become one of most salient issues in Austrian politics. Many observers explain the rise of the immigration issue by the breakdown of the Iron Curtain and/or the xenophobic campaign waged by the Austrian Freedom Party. This paper puts these common interpretations into question. It argues, first, that the problems resulting from the open borders were different from the concerns that dominated the public debate. And, second, it claims that it was the Social Democratic Party and its Minister of Internal Affairs (and not the Freedom Party) who put the immigration issue on the political agenda, also shaping its concrete form and expression." [author's abstract]"Bis 1990 entwickelte sich in Österreich nur sporadisch eine öffentliche Diskussion über Migrationspolitik. Die Unterbringung rumänischer Asylwerber in einem kleinen Ort schuf im März 1990 schlagartig eine »Ausländerfrage«, die für die nächsten Jahre zu einem der wichtigsten Themen des öffentlichen Diskurses wurde. Im Gegensatz zur verbreiteten Interpretation, die das Entstehen der »Ausländerfrage« mit dem Abbruch des Eisernen Vorhangs und/oder der xenophoben Stimmungsmache der FPÖ erklären will, argumentiert dieses Papier, daß erstens das im öffentlichen Diskurs sich artikulierende Problembewußtsein von Parteien und Medien und die realen, durch die Grenzöffnung im Osten entstandenen neuen Problemlagen weit auseinanderklafften, und es zweitens vor allem die SPÖ bzw. der von der SPÖ gestellte Innenminister waren, die die »Ausländerfrage« forcierten und für ihre spezielle Form entwarfen." [Autorenreferat

Genomic and proteomic identification of Late Holocene remains: Setting baselines for Black Sea odontocetes

A critical challenge of the 21st century is to understand and minimise the effects of human activities on biodiversity. Cetaceans are a prime concern in biodiversity research, as many species still suffer from human impacts despite decades of management and conservation efforts. Zooarchaeology constitutes a valuable approach for informing conservation and management decisions by providing baseline information on the past distribution and human uses of species. However, traditional morphological species identification of mixed assemblage bones can be challenging, particularly in the case of cetaceans. To address this issue, we applied and evaluated the performance of three biomolecular approaches – Sanger sequencing, shotgun sequencing and collagen peptide fingerprinting (ZooMS) – for species identification in a mixed assemblage of 800 to 1600 years old odontocete (toothed whale) samples from the site of Chersonesus in Crimea, Ukraine. We found that ZooMS allowed for identification to the taxonomic level for 28 of our 30 samples (> 90%), identifying them as either “porpoise” or “dolphin”, and approximately half of those samples could be further identified to species level with the shotgun sequencing approach. In addition, shotgun sequencing produced several complete ancient odontocete mitogenomes and auxiliary nuclear genomic data for further exploration in a population genetic context. In contrast, both morphological identification and Sanger sequencing lacked taxonomic resolution and/or resulted in misclassification of samples. We found that the combination of ZooMS and shotgun sequencing provides a powerful tool in zooarchaeology, and here allowed for a deeper understanding of past marine resource use and its implication for current management and conservation of Black Sea odontocetes

Die Konstruktion der Ausländerfrage in Österreich: Eine Analyse des öffentlichen Diskurses 1990

Abstract: In Austria, until 1990 public debates about migration policy were rare events. In march 1990, however, the search for accommodations for Rumanian asylum seekers in a small provincial town created the perception of an immigration problem ("Ausländerproblem") from one day to another. From that time onwards, immigration and policies towards foreigners have become one of most salient issues in Austrian politics.Many observers explain the rise of the immigration issue by the breakdown of the Iron Curtain and/or the xenophobic campaign waged by the Austrian Freedom Party. This paper puts these common interpretations into question. It argues, first, that the problems resulting from the open borders were different from the concerns that dominated the public debate. And, second, it claims that it was the Social Democratic Party and its Minister of Internal Affairs (and not the Freedom Party) who put the immigration issue on the political agenda, also shaping its concrete form and expression.

Zero fare in public transport: a useful measure in transport policy?

Abweichender Titel laut Übersetzung der Verfasserin/des Verfassersn der vorliegenden Arbeit soll der Versuch unternommen werden, die Auswirkungen eines Nulltarifes in der Stadt Wien aus verkehrstechnischer Sicht zu beurteilen. Zu diesem Zweck wurde zunächst ein Überblick über die Wahrnehmung von Verkehr im Allgemeinen gegeben.Insbesondere werden die Unterschiede zwischen dem motorisierten Individualverkehr und dem öffentlichen Verkehr herausgearbeitet. Mittels einer Modellierung in MARS (Metropolitan Activity Relocation Simulation) werden zwei Szenarien entwickelt: Zum einen ein Vergleichsszenario zum anderen ein Szenario Nulltarif. Die Analyse der gewonnen Daten wird Auskunft über Modal Split und die prognostizierten Verlagerungen geben.Zuletzt wird mittels eines Elastizitätskonzeptes auf drei U-Bahn Linien in Wien eine Prognose der Fahrgastzahlen vorgenommen, um etwaige Qualitäts- bzw. Kapazitätsengpässe abschätzen zu können.This Master Thesis has it's stated aim to estimate the impact of a "Zero Fare in public transport" policy in the city of Vienna. In the first step a short review of the literature concerning the perception of traffic is given. The review focuses in more details on the differences in perception between public and private transport. In the second step a model run with MARS ( Metropolitan Activity Relocation Simulation) was done. By the use of MARS two scenarios have been developed. The first is a business as usual called "Do Nothing" and the second scenario is the zero fare approach called "Zero Fare". The study will show how travel patterns are going to change. Further it will be estimated how many passengers are switching from private car use, pedestrians or cyclist to public transport. In a third step passenger numbers are estimated for three different metro lines in Vienna by using the concept of elasticities. This approach shows how the growing passenger figures can influence the Quality of Service and if these lines are reaching their limits of capacity.10

Strategische Ambivalenz. Der Umgang Jörg Haiders mit dem NS-Thema. Strategic ambivalence. Dealing with Jorg Haider's Nazi theme. IHS Political Science Series 49, November 1997

Is Jörg Haider a »Nazi« as his praise for employment policies in the Third Reich as well as for the Waffen-SS suggests? Do such statements come out of his socialization in a political subculture which has close affinities to the NSDAP? The present papers does not pretend to answer these questions. It analyzes Jörg Haider’s public disourse on the Nazi regime and Austria’s Nazi past in terms of strategic choice. The conclusions it reaches are threefold. First, Jörg Haiders usual handling of this sensitive theme appears as perfectly rational and strategic. Second, Haider’s strategy focuses primarily on the group of potential voters, while at the same time it neglects the hard-core German-national camp. Third, Haider’s statements are in harmony with much of the general population’s attitude towards National Socialism: They are unclear, unsensitive, euphemistic, and ambivalent

Strategische Ambivalenz: Der Umgang Jörg Haiders mit dem NS-Thema

Abstract: Is Jörg Haider a "Nazi" as his praise for employment policies in the Third Reich as well as for the Waffen-SS suggests? Do such statements come out of his socialization in a political subculture which has close affinities to the NSDAP? Thepresent papers does not pretend to answer these questions. It analyzes Jörg Haider's public disourse on the Nazi regime and Austria's Nazi past in terms of strategic choice. The conclusions it reaches are threefold. First, Jörg Haiders usual handling of this sensitive theme appears as perfectly rational and strategic. Second, Haider's strategy focuses primarily on the group of potential voters, while at the same time it neglects the hard-core german-national camp. Third, Haider's statements arein harmony with much of the general population's attitude towards National Socialism: They are unclear, unsensitive, euphemistic, and ambivalent.