Soluzioni per il controllo delle testine di lettura/scrittura in hard disk drive magnetici

Questa tesi descrive alcune tecniche realizzative e algoritmi di controllo per il posizionamento delle testine di lettura/scrittura in hard disk drive magnetici. Viene presentata l'attuazione a due stadi delle testine per incrementare la banda frequenziale del sistema, in cui un motore VCM funge da primo stadio e come secondo stadio si utilizza un microattuatore, di tipo piezoelettrico o elettromagnetico o elettrotermico. Il posizionamento della testina sulle tracce magnetiche dei dischi contenenti i dati si divide in due fasi: track-seeking e track-following, che presentano diversi requisiti di velocità e precisione, per questo motivo si descrive il metodo dello switching control. Successivamente viene formulato un modello matematico nello spazio degli stati degli stati dell'attuatori a due stadi e il relativo controllo in retroazione, basato su osservatore dello stato. Inoltre per il track-seeking si propone il controllo a due gradi di libertà e per il track-following il metodo del disaccoppiamento della sensitività. Infine si riportano due novità tecnologiche per gli hard disk magnetici: l'attuazione a tre stadi, che sfrutta un secondo microattuatore, di tipo termico, e gli hard disk riempiti d'elio ed ermeticamente sigillati, che semplificano il controllo grazie alla minore turbolenza del gas e al suo minor peso

Israel in the Iranian media: demonizing the "Zionist regime"

The Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI) espouses an official policy of anti-Zionism, which is frequently punctuated with blatant antisemitism. Although the Imperial State of Iran enjoyed diplomatic and strategic relations with Israel, following the 1979 Islamic Revolution all bilateral relations were severed by the newly established Islamic Republic. Tehran vocally supports Palestinian sovereignty over the whole of present-day Israel, the West Bank, and Gaza, while periodically calling for the destruction of the Jewish State. It systematically refers to Israel by demeaning terms such the "Zionist regime" and "Occupied Palestine," and positions both Israel and Jews as posing a threat to Iran, Muslims, and the world more generally. Iran's fervent anti-Zionist/antisemitic position has drawn support from other Arab and Muslim countries, and condemnation from much of the Western world

Technological elites, the meritocracy, and postracial myths in Silicon Valley

Entre as modernas elites tecnológicas digitais, os mitos da meritocracia e da façanha intelectual são usados como marcadores de raça e gênero por uma supremacia branca masculina que consolida recursos de forma desproporcional em relação a pessoas não brancas, principalmente negros, latinos e indígenas. Os investimentos em mitos meritocráticos suprimem os questionamentos de racismo e discriminação, mesmo quando os produtos das elites digitais são infundidos com marcadores de raça, classe e gênero. As lutas históricas por inclusão social, política e econômica de negros, mulheres e outras classes desprotegidas têm implicado no reconhecimento da exclusão sistêmica, do trabalho forçado e da privação de direitos estruturais, além de compromissos com políticas públicas dos EUA, como as ações afirmativas, que foram igualmente fundamentais para reformas políticas voltadas para participação e oportunidades econômicas. A ascensão da tecnocracia digital tem sido, em muitos aspectos, antitética a esses esforços no sentido de reconhecer raça e gênero como fatores cruciais para inclusão e oportunidades tecnocráticas. Este artigo explora algumas das formas pelas quais os discursos das elites tecnocráticas do Vale do Silício reforçam os investimentos no pós racialismo como um pretexto para a re-consolidação do capital em oposição às políticas públicas que prometem acabar com práticas discriminatórias no mundo do trabalho. Por meio de uma análise cuidadosa do surgimento de empresas de tecnologias digitais e de uma discussão sobre como as elites tecnológicas trabalham para mascarar tudo, como inscrições algorítmicas e genéticas de raça incorporadas em seus produtos, mostramos como as elites digitais omitem a sua responsabilidade por suas reinscrições pós raciais de (in)visibilidades raciais. A partir do uso de análise histórica e crítica do discurso, o artigo revela como os mitos de uma meritocracia digital baseados em um “daltonismo racial” tecnocrático emergem como chave para a manutenção de exclusões de gênero e raça.Palavras-chave: Tecnologia. Raça. Gênero.Among modern digital technology elites, myths of meritocracy and intellectual prowess are used as racial and gender markers of white male supremacy that disproportionately consolidate resources away from people of color, particularly African Americans, Latino/as and Native Americans. Investments in meritocratic myths suppress interrogations of racism and discrimination even as the products of digital elites are infused with racial, class, and gender markers. Longstanding struggles for social, political, and economic inclusion for African Americans, women, and other legally protected classes have been predicated upon the recognition of systemic exclusion, forced labor, and structural disenfranchisement, and commitments to US public policies like affirmative action have, likewise, been fundamental to political reforms geared to economic opportunity and participation. The rise of the digital technocracy has, in many ways, been antithetical to these sustained efforts to recognize race and gender as salient factors structuring technocratic opportunity and inclusion. This paper explores some of the ways in which discourses of Silicon Valley technocratic elites bolster investments in post-racialism as a pretext for re-consolidations of capital, in opposition to public policy commitments to end discriminatory labor practices. Through a careful analysis of the rise of digital technology companies, and a discussion of how technology elites work to mask everything from algorithmic to genetic inscriptions of race embedded in their products, we show how digital elites elide responsibility for their post-racial re-inscriptions of racial visibilities (and invisibilities). Using historical and critical discourse analysis, the paper reveals how myths of a digital meritocracy premised on a technocratic colorblindness emerge key to perpetuating gender and racial exclusions.Keywords: Technology. Race. Gender

Franco-Algerian relations in the independent French-language press (2007-2009) : collective memory, discursive memory and media discourse

Faisant appel aux concepts et aux méthodes de l'analyse de discours en prenant appui sur la textométrie et en veillant à préciser le contexte historique, politique et médiatique, cette thèse se propose de montrer à travers 783 articles de presse algérienne d'expression française, comment la mémoire collective douloureuse, issue de la colonisation et de la guerre, affleure dans l'évocation de l'actualité des relations franco-algériennes. Dans quatre journaux nationaux indépendants issus de la libéralisation initiée dans les années 90, El Watan, Le Quotidien d'Oran, Liberté, L'Expression, la période d'étude répond à un « moment discursif » circonscrit par deux élections présidentielles, l'une en France (N. Sarkozy en 2007), l'autre en Algérie (A. Bouteflika réélu en 2009). En variant les angles d'analyse (analyse de contenu, analyse énonciative, analyse argumentative, textométrie) des considérations d'ensemble sont dégagées et de micro-corpus étudiés. Dans une perspective à dominante énonciative et discursive sont examinés les titres relatifs aux essais nucléaires français des années 60 et des désignations d'événements (« guerre d'Algérie », « 8 mai 1945 ») et de protagonistes. Une analyse de contenu comparative et argumentative contextualisée sur le traitement différent par les quatre journaux de quelques événements est proposée . L'exploration textométrique complète les analyses.Using the concepts and analysis methods of speech, taking inconsideration the textometry to specify tbhistorical context, political and mediatheque. This thesis suggests to indicate throughout 783 french speakin algerian press articals, how the painful collective memory, caused by the colonisation and war, come up to mention the current relationship between France and Algeria. In four independant local newspapers emerging from the freedom of speech initated in the 90s, El watan, Le Quotidien d'Oran. Liberté and l'Expression, the study of this period is a « discursive moment » contained by two presidential elections, one in France (N. Sarkozy in 2007), the other in Algeria (A. Bouteflika reelected in 2009). Varying the different angles of analysis (content analysis, enunsiative analysis, argument-based analysis, textometry), bring out a general overview for the different elements and micro--corpus considered. In a perspective of dominante enonciativ and discursive, the related titles to the french nuclear testing in the 60s are investigated and the designation of events (« the war of Algeria », « 8th of May 1945 ») and the protagonists . A contextual analysis of the comparative and argumentative content about the different treatment of the four newspapers of some propose events. The exploration of the textometry will complete the analysis

Effective procedure for the optimization of the linear controller in an industrial drive for a nonlinear mechanism

Il progetto di tesi è incentrato sull’ottimizzazione del procedimento di taratura dei regolatori lineari degli anelli di controllo di posizione e velocità presenti negli azionamenti usati industrialmente su macchine automatiche, specialmente quando il carico è ad inerzia variabile in dipendenza dalla posizione, dunque non lineare, come ad esempio un quadrilatero articolato. Il lavoro è stato svolto in collaborazione con l’azienda G.D S.p.A. ed il meccanismo di prova è realmente utilizzato nelle macchine automatiche per il packaging di sigarette. L’ottimizzazione si basa sulla simulazione in ambiente Matlab/Simulink dell’intero sistema di controllo, cioè comprensivo del modello Simulink degli anelli di controllo del drive, inclusa la dinamica elettrica del motore, e del modello Simscape del meccanismo, perciò una prima necessaria fase del lavoro è stata la validazione di tali modelli affinché fossero sufficientemente fedeli al comportamento reale. Il secondo passo è stato fornire una prima taratura di tentativo che fungesse da punto di partenza per l’algoritmo di ottimizzazione, abbiamo fatto ciò linearizzando il modello meccanico con l’inerzia minima e utilizzando il metodo delle formule di inversione per determinare i parametri di controllo. Già questa taratura, seppur conservativa, ha portato ad un miglioramento delle performance del sistema rispetto alla taratura empirica comunemente fatta in ambito industriale. Infine, abbiamo lanciato l’algoritmo di ottimizzazione definendo opportunamente la funzione di costo, ed il risultato è stato decisamente positivo, portando ad un miglioramento medio del massimo errore di inseguimento di circa il 25%, ma anche oltre il 30% in alcuni casi

Optoelectronic receiver design : an optimisation approach

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Les relations franco-algériennes dans la presse indépendante d'expression française (2007-2009) : mémoire collective, mémoire discursive et discours médiatique

Using the concepts and analysis methods of speech, taking inconsideration the textometry to specify tbhistorical context, political and mediatheque. This thesis suggests to indicate throughout 783 french speakin algerian press articals, how the painful collective memory, caused by the colonisation and war, come up to mention the current relationship between France and Algeria. In four independant local newspapers emerging from the freedom of speech initated in the 90s, El watan, Le Quotidien d'Oran. Liberté and l'Expression, the study of this period is a « discursive moment » contained by two presidential elections, one in France (N. Sarkozy in 2007), the other in Algeria (A. Bouteflika reelected in 2009). Varying the different angles of analysis (content analysis, enunsiative analysis, argument-based analysis, textometry), bring out a general overview for the different elements and micro--corpus considered. In a perspective of dominante enonciativ and discursive, the related titles to the french nuclear testing in the 60s are investigated and the designation of events (« the war of Algeria », « 8th of May 1945 ») and the protagonists . A contextual analysis of the comparative and argumentative content about the different treatment of the four newspapers of some propose events. The exploration of the textometry will complete the analysis.Faisant appel aux concepts et aux méthodes de l'analyse de discours en prenant appui sur la textométrie et en veillant à préciser le contexte historique, politique et médiatique, cette thèse se propose de montrer à travers 783 articles de presse algérienne d'expression française, comment la mémoire collective douloureuse, issue de la colonisation et de la guerre, affleure dans l'évocation de l'actualité des relations franco-algériennes. Dans quatre journaux nationaux indépendants issus de la libéralisation initiée dans les années 90, El Watan, Le Quotidien d'Oran, Liberté, L'Expression, la période d'étude répond à un « moment discursif » circonscrit par deux élections présidentielles, l'une en France (N. Sarkozy en 2007), l'autre en Algérie (A. Bouteflika réélu en 2009). En variant les angles d'analyse (analyse de contenu, analyse énonciative, analyse argumentative, textométrie) des considérations d'ensemble sont dégagées et de micro-corpus étudiés. Dans une perspective à dominante énonciative et discursive sont examinés les titres relatifs aux essais nucléaires français des années 60 et des désignations d'événements (« guerre d'Algérie », « 8 mai 1945 ») et de protagonistes. Une analyse de contenu comparative et argumentative contextualisée sur le traitement différent par les quatre journaux de quelques événements est proposée . L'exploration textométrique complète les analyses

The politics of the sokal affair

IN SPRING 1996, as part of the backlash against significant changes in the cultural and political climate in the US, New York University physicist Alan Sokal perpetrated a “hoax�? on the journal Social Text, when he submitted an article titled “Transgressing the boundaries: toward a transformative hermeneutics of quantum gravity�? (Sokal 1996c). The Social Text collective included it as the final piece in their spring/summer 1996 special issue on “Science Wars�? (Social Text 1996), which focused on the recent debates in the field of science studies and attacks on it by some members of the scientific community and the political right. Coinciding with the release of Social Text, Lingua Franca, in collusion with Sokal, published another article by Sokal exposing the Social Text article as purposefully fraudulent (Sokal 1996b; herein referred to as the Sokal expose). Sokal explains that he had become convinced of the “apparent decline in the standards of rigor in certain precincts of the academic humanities�? and sought to confirm his conviction (Sokal 1996b: 62). He confessed that his article was “a modest (though admittedly uncontrolled) experiment: Would a leading North American journal of cultural studies - whose editorial collective includes such luminaries as Fredric Jameson and Andrew Ross - publish an article liberally salted with nonsense if (a) it sounded good and (b) it flattered the editors’ ideological preconceptions? (Sokal 1996b: 62). The answer for Sokal, and for many others, has been a simple “yes.�? And the “experiment�? has been taken largely as demonstrating that the humanities - or at least some sectors of it - have become corrupted

Investigating Social Issues inNaguib Kylany s Laylon wa Quzban Novel

English Abstracts / 9 Investigating Social Issues in Naguib Kylany s Laylon wa Quzban Novel Mohammad Mehdi Semati * Samaneh Naghavi ** Abstract Literature and the artist are closely related with society and the social and political issues. Literature has played its role very well in conditions which reflects the life of the society and encourages people to reform their society, and when it fights poverty, ignorance, exploitation and develops social justice and freedom. Fiction and in this case novel, used in has been widely used for the development of philosophical, social, political, and cultural thought. The novel " Laylon wa Quzban " is the memorable work by Kylany which has been translated into various languages, and in some Arabic countries appeared on screen. The novel recounts the events that happened in the prison and out of it Prison is the Symbol of the society in which the author lives and its events. Najib Kylany describes features of the Egyptian people, especially those who were under oppression, torture, and rebellion against the ruling regime. He also had a clear picture of repressed feelings, aspirations, pains and sufferings of the prisoners who were under colonial domination. Kylany draws such a clear picture of the atmosphere of the prison that gives the reader the ability to make sense of things as he/she has been in prison. The prison and the events, the people who were imprisoned, spiritual, mental problems, as well as social and political issues attracted the attention of the author. Among the social issues that have a special place in his novels are freedom of women, education, freedom of choice in marriage, and divorce. On the other hand, he shows woman as a beautiful evil. Other issues considered in Kylany s novel are sexual perversion, lie and hypocrisy, humanity and brotherhood, corruption, freedom and tyranny, colonialism, oppression, equality, ignorance and imitation. This article tried at the beginning to talk about Kylany s life, thoughts, and works. Then, the most important social issues in the novel, "Laylon wa Quzban" has been reviewed and considered. Key words: social issues, Najib Kylany, novel, Laylon wa Quzban