Affirmative Action Attitudes of Whites: Evidence from a List Experiment Survey in Brazil

Recently in Brazil, public policies have begun to be implemented to reduce discrimination and promote the inclusion of excluded social groups based on a specific individual characteristic: race. However, there is little public consensus about such policies, especially among whites. In this work, I look at the racial attitudes towards affirmative action among white college students. I make use of new research methods for the empirical study of socially sensitive issues and ask whether these attitudes stem from prejudice, conflicts between social groups or individual political predispositions. Furthermore, I ask what is the relationship between political knowledge and such racial attitudes. I use the list experiment method because of its potential to offset the under-representation of opinions and attitudes. This approach allows respondents to be indirectly questioned, ensuring greater sincerity in their answers and, hence, providing more accurate portrayal of attitudes. This study shows that white respondents’ answers on affirmative action policies are strongly affected by social desirability. Only 6% of white respondents agreed that it is important to have a quota policy for blacks at the Federal University of Santa Catarina (UFSC). Individuals with greater political knowledge tend to express greater support for affirmative action and hold more coherent racial attitudes Results also reveal that negative racial attitudes and political predispositions are both determinants of the white student’s attitudes towards affirmative action policies

MEDINDO ASSUNTOS SOCIALMENTE SENSÍVEIS: O USO DO EXPERIMENTO DE LISTA E POLÍTICAS DE AÇÃO AFIRMATIVA

ResumoA opinião pública sobre as ações afirmativas não é consensual, especialmente entre os brancos. Em um desenho experimental de pesquisa, as cotas raciais são estudadas na Universidade de Brasília (UnB) e na Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais (UFMG). A técnica utilizada é conhecida como experimento de lista, a qual consiste essencialmente de um experimento embutido em um survey convencional. O delineamento experimental garante a privacidade necessária para os respondentes se sentirem livres para darem respostas honestas, evitando o efeito chamado de desejabilidade social. Os resultados mostram que a teoria do autointeresse não tem efeitos sobre as atitudes raciais, e o efeito de desejabilidade social é muito forte entre os estudantes brancos. Palavras-chave: Experimentos; Experimento de lista; Opinião Pública; Metodologia de Pesquisa. ResumenLa opinión pública sobre las acciones afirmativas no es consensual, especialmente entre los blancos. Aquí, en un diseño experimental, las cuotas raciales son estudiadas en la Universidad de Brasilia (UnB) y en la Universidad Federal de Minas Gerais (UFMG). La técnica empleada es conocida como experimento de lista que es esencialmente un experimento dentro de un estudio convencional. El diseño experimental garantiza la privacidad de los encuestados que se sienten libres para dar respuestas honestas, evitando el efecto de deseabilidad social. Los resultados muestran que la teoría de la auto-interés no tiene efectos sobre las actitudes raciales, y el efecto de deseabilidad social es muy fuerte entre los estudiantes blancos. Palabras clave: Experimentos; Experimento de lista; Opinión Pública; Metodología de la Investigación. AbstractPublic opinion on affirmative actions is not consensual, especially among whites. Here in an experimental design the racial quotas are studied at the University of Brasilia (UnB) and University of Minas Gerais (UFMG). The technique employed is known as the list-experiment, which consists essentially of an experiment embedded in a conventional survey. The experimental design ensures privacy for respondents to feel free to give honest answers, avoiding the social desirability effect. The results show that the self-interest theory has no effects on the racial attitudes, and the social desirability effect is very strong among the white students.Keywords: Experiments; List-experiment; Public Opinion; Research Methodology

Bolsa Família, information and prejudice: an analysis using experiments

Este artigo apresenta e discute os resultados de experimentos de lista e de informação realizados em pesquisas de opinião pública encomendadas pela Secretaria de Comunicação Social da Presidência da República, em 2014 e 2015. Com o experimento de lista, buscava-se captar e estimar um suposto preconceito latente em relação ao Programa Bolsa Família (PBF) e seus beneficiários; e, com os experimentos de informação, avaliar quais mensagens sobre os resultados positivos do programa seriam mais eficientes para mudar opiniões do público em relação a ele e aumentar o seu apoio junto à população brasileira. Até onde sabemos, essas foram umas das poucas vezes em que se utilizaram tais técnicas de pesquisa na elaboração de estratégias de comunicação do Governo Federal. Mas, ao contrário do que se esperava, encontrou-se um apoio latente ao PBF, e não uma rejeição, e as informações repassadas aos entrevistados não foram capazes de alterar suas opiniões.Este artículo presenta y discute los resultados de experimentos de lista y de información realizados en encuestas de opinión pública encargadas por la Secretaría de Comunicación Social de la Presidencia de la República, en 2014 y 2015. Con el experimento de lista, se buscaba captar y estimar un supuesto preconcepto latente en relación al Programa Bolsa Familia (PBF) y sus beneficiarios; y, con los experimentos de información, evaluar qué mensajes sobre los resultados positivos del programa serían más eficientes para cambiar opiniones del público en relación a él y aumentar su apoyo junto a la población brasileña. Hasta donde sabemos, esas fueron unas de las pocas veces en que se utilizaron tales técnicas de investigación en la elaboración de estratégicas de comunicación del Gobierno Federal. Pero, al contrario de lo que se esperaba, se encontró un apoyo latente al PBF, y no un rechazo, y las informaciones repasadas a los entrevistados no fueron capaces de alterar sus opiniones.This article presents and discusses the results of a list and information experiments carried out in public opinion surveys commissioned by the Secretariat of Social Communication of the Presidency of the Republic in 2014 and 2015. The list experiment sought to capture and estimate a supposed latent prejudice in relation to the Bolsa Família Program (PBF) and its beneficiaries. The information experiments sought to evaluate which messages about the positive results of the program would be more efficient to change public opinion about it and to increase its support amongst the Brazilian population. As far as we know, these were one of the few times in which such research techniques were used in the communication strategies elaboration of the Federal Government. However, and contrary to expectations, there was a latent support for the PBF, not a rejection, and the information passed on to interviewees was not able to change their opinions.Revista do Serviço Público - RSP, v. 70, n. 4, p. 551-575Políticas PúblicasISSN Eletrônico: 2357-8017ISSN Impresso: 0034-924

Autoantibodies neutralizing type I IFNs are present in ~4% of uninfected individuals over 70 years old and account for ~20% of COVID-19 deaths

Publisher Copyright: © 2021 The Authors, some rights reserved.Circulating autoantibodies (auto-Abs) neutralizing high concentrations (10 ng/ml; in plasma diluted 1:10) of IFN-alpha and/or IFN-omega are found in about 10% of patients with critical COVID-19 (coronavirus disease 2019) pneumonia but not in individuals with asymptomatic infections. We detect auto-Abs neutralizing 100-fold lower, more physiological, concentrations of IFN-alpha and/or IFN-omega (100 pg/ml; in 1:10 dilutions of plasma) in 13.6% of 3595 patients with critical COVID-19, including 21% of 374 patients >80 years, and 6.5% of 522 patients with severe COVID-19. These antibodies are also detected in 18% of the 1124 deceased patients (aged 20 days to 99 years; mean: 70 years). Moreover, another 1.3% of patients with critical COVID-19 and 0.9% of the deceased patients have auto-Abs neutralizing high concentrations of IFN-beta. We also show, in a sample of 34,159 uninfected individuals from the general population, that auto-Abs neutralizing high concentrations of IFN-alpha and/or IFN-omega are present in 0.18% of individuals between 18 and 69 years, 1.1% between 70 and 79 years, and 3.4% >80 years. Moreover, the proportion of individuals carrying auto-Abs neutralizing lower concentrations is greater in a subsample of 10,778 uninfected individuals: 1% of individuals 80 years. By contrast, auto-Abs neutralizing IFN-beta do not become more frequent with age. Auto-Abs neutralizing type I IFNs predate SARS-CoV-2 infection and sharply increase in prevalence after the age of 70 years. They account for about 20% of both critical COVID-19 cases in the over 80s and total fatal COVID-19 cases.Peer reviewe

Multi-ancestry study of blood lipid levels identifies four loci interacting with physical activity

Loss of 4E-BP1 expression has been linked to cancer progression and resistance to mTOR inhibitors, but the mechanism underlying 4E-BP1 downregulation in tumors remains unclear. Here we identify Snail as a strong transcriptional repressor of 4E-BP1. We find that 4E-BP1 expression inversely correlates with Snail level in cancer cell lines and clinical specimens. Snail binds to three E-boxes present in the human 4E-BP1 promoter to repress transcription of 4E-BP1. Ectopic expression of Snail in cancer cell lines lacking Snail profoundly represses 4E-BP1 expression, promotes cap-dependent translation in polysomes, and reduces the anti-proliferative effect of mTOR kinase inhibitors. Conversely, genetic and pharmacological inhibition of Snail function restores 4E-BP1 expression and sensitizes cancer cells to mTOR kinase inhibitors by enhancing 4E-BP1-mediated translation-repressive effect on cell proliferation and tumor growth. Our study reveals a critical Snail-4E-BP1 signaling axis in tumorigenesis, and provides a rationale for targeting Snail to improve mTOR-targeted therapies

Measuring Belief Certainty in Political Knowledge (YOUGOV)

I propose an alternative format for measuring knowledge about politics and government that incorporates a person’s level of certainty about the correct answer. I argue that there are two aspects of being knowledgeable: one’s ability to recognize accurate political facts and the certainty with which they regard their factual beliefs. The certainty-in-knowledge format proposed consists of a single question that captures propositional knowledge and belief certainty. This format provides a set of 4 mutually exclusive response categories (correct or incorrect X certain or uncertain) – or 5 when the “Don’t Know” option is available. These items can be combined in the standard (additive) way to create a knowledge scale

Replication Data for: Affirmative Action Attitudes of Whites: Evidence from a List Experiment Survey in Brazil

Replication Data for: "Affirmative Action Attitudes of Whites: Evidence from a List Experiment Survey in Brazil" as published in BPSR, vol. 12, nº 2, 2018

Du lulismo à l' antipetismo?: polarisation, esprit de parti et comportement électoral lors des élections présidentielles brésiliennes

O debate recente sobre identificação partidária e comportamento eleitoral no Brasil vem apontando para a crescente importância do posicionamento dos eleitores com respeito aos principais partidos presidenciais – PT e PSDB – na escolha dos candidatos à presidência. Neste artigo, procura-se contribuir para a literatura colocando em questionamento diagnósticos recentes com respeito à polarização do sistema partidário presidencial. De acordo com a hipótese da polarização, a competição eleitoral entre PT e PSDB levou a uma crescente divisão do eleitorado em dois blocos claramente diferenciados e polarizados. Argumentamos que esta hipótese se apoia em bases teóricas e empíricas frágeis. Não obstante a crescente importância dos sentimentos partidários na determinação do comportamento dos eleitores no pleito presidencial, os resultados das análises descritivas e modelos estatísticos multivariados com base nos surveys do Estudo Eleitoral Brasileiro (Eseb) realizados nos anos de 2002, 2006, 2010 e 2014 demonstram que não há evidências de que tal movimento estaria associado a um aumento da polarização partidária de massa. Pelo contrário, observamos que as diferenças ideológicas e de opinião entre petistas e tucanos são de pequena monta e, além disso, encontramos evidências de uma crescente convergência ideológica entre os vários segmentos do eleitorado ao longo do tempo.Current debates on partisanship and electoral behavior in Brazil have pointed to the growing effect of voters’ party feelings toward the two major presidential parties—PT and PSDB—on presidential vote choice. This article contributes to the literature by casting doubt on recent analyses of party polarization in presidential elections. According to the polarization hypothesis, electoral competition between the PT and the PSDB has led to a growing differentiation among the electorate into two clearly separated and polarized blocs. Nevertheless, we claim that this hypothesis lies on fragile theoretical and empirical foundations. Despite the growing importance of partisan feelings in the explanation of voting behavior in presidential elections, our descriptive and multivariate analyses utilizing the 2002, 2006, 2010, and 2014 ESEB surveys demonstrate that these trends are clearly not associated with an increase in mass polarization. We observe, instead, that ideological differences between tucanos and petistas are rather minimal. Finally, we also find that ideological convergence between the various subgroups of the electorate has grown over time.Los debates actuales sobre el partidismo y el comportamiento electoral en Brasil han señalado el creciente efecto de los sentimientos del partido de los votantes en los dos principales partidos presidenciales, el PT y el PSDB, en las elecciones presidenciales. Este artículo contribuye a la literatura poniendo en duda los análisis recientes de la polarización partidista en las elecciones presidenciales. De acuerdo con la hipótesis de la polarización, la competición electoral entre el PT y el PSDB ha llevado a una creciente diferenciación del electorado en dos bloques claramente separados y polarizados. Sin embargo, afirmamos que esta hipótesis se basa en fundamentos teóricos y empíricos frágiles. A pesar de la creciente importancia de los sentimientos partidistas en la explicación del comportamiento electoral en las elecciones presidenciales, nuestros análisis descriptivos y multivariados que utilizan las encuestas ESEB de 2002, 2006, 2010 y 2014 demuestran que estas tendencias claramente no están asociadas con un aumento de la polarización masiva. Observamos, en cambio, que las diferencias ideológicas entre tucanos y petistas son en realidad pequeñas. Finalmente, también encontramos que la convergencia ideológica entre los diversos subgrupos del electorado ha crecido con el tiempo.Les débats actuels sur l´esprit de parti et le comportement électoral au Brésil ont montré l'effet croissant du sentiment de parti des électeurs pour les deux principaux partis présidentiels - PT et PSDB - sur le choix du vote présidentiel. Cet article vient en appui à la littérature en questionnant les analyses récentes de la polarisation des partis lors des élections présidentielles. Selon l'hypothèse de polarisation, la concurrence électorale entre le PT et le PSDB a conduit à une différenciation croissante de l'électorat en deux blocs nettement séparés et polarisés. Néanmoins, nous prétendons que cette hypothèse repose sur des fondements théoriques et empiriques fragiles. Malgré l'importance croissante des sentiments partisans dans l'explication du comportement électoral lors des élections présidentielles, nos analyses descriptives et multivariées utilisant les enquêtes ESEB 2002, 2006, 2010 et 2014 démontrent que ces tendances ne sont pas associées à une augmentation de la polarisation de masse. Nous observons plutôt que les différences idéologiques entre les tucanos et les petistas sont assez minimes. Enfin, nous constatons également que la convergence idéologique entre les différents sous-groupes de l'électorat a augmenté au fil du temps