Impact of Late Shift Rapid Response Team (RRT) Input on Length of Stay and Discharge Destination in Emergency Care.

Prolonged length of stay (LOS) is a significant financial burden to the hospitals. Although Physiotherapists (PT) are expanding their role in different areas of health care, including Emergency Care (EC), the impact of late shift PT input on LOS is not yet known. The objective was to determine the impact of the late shift Rapid Response Team (RRT) input on LOS and discharge destination. Patients who are referred to the RRT Physiotherapy/Occupational Therapy (PT/OT) include those with musculoskeletal conditions, cardio-respiratory and neurological problems. The therapists establish patient’s premorbid mobility level, social status and complete mobility and balance assessments. The outcome measures considered for this study was LOS and discharge destination. A total of 131 patients were assessed during 2016/2017. Out of 131, 72 patients were discharged on the day of treatment. Out of 138 patients referred during 2017/2018, 79 patients were discharged on the day of assessment. Most patients had significant comorbidities when admitted as the number of comorbidities is approximately four conditions for both durations. The discharge destination included from patients own home, rehabilitation hospital, long stay wardand interim placementfrom ward and this has saved 151 bed days in the hospital. Late shift RRT service in the ED resulted in reduced LOS and improved discharge destination

Technological elites, the meritocracy, and postracial myths in Silicon Valley

Entre as modernas elites tecnológicas digitais, os mitos da meritocracia e da façanha intelectual são usados como marcadores de raça e gênero por uma supremacia branca masculina que consolida recursos de forma desproporcional em relação a pessoas não brancas, principalmente negros, latinos e indígenas. Os investimentos em mitos meritocráticos suprimem os questionamentos de racismo e discriminação, mesmo quando os produtos das elites digitais são infundidos com marcadores de raça, classe e gênero. As lutas históricas por inclusão social, política e econômica de negros, mulheres e outras classes desprotegidas têm implicado no reconhecimento da exclusão sistêmica, do trabalho forçado e da privação de direitos estruturais, além de compromissos com políticas públicas dos EUA, como as ações afirmativas, que foram igualmente fundamentais para reformas políticas voltadas para participação e oportunidades econômicas. A ascensão da tecnocracia digital tem sido, em muitos aspectos, antitética a esses esforços no sentido de reconhecer raça e gênero como fatores cruciais para inclusão e oportunidades tecnocráticas. Este artigo explora algumas das formas pelas quais os discursos das elites tecnocráticas do Vale do Silício reforçam os investimentos no pós racialismo como um pretexto para a re-consolidação do capital em oposição às políticas públicas que prometem acabar com práticas discriminatórias no mundo do trabalho. Por meio de uma análise cuidadosa do surgimento de empresas de tecnologias digitais e de uma discussão sobre como as elites tecnológicas trabalham para mascarar tudo, como inscrições algorítmicas e genéticas de raça incorporadas em seus produtos, mostramos como as elites digitais omitem a sua responsabilidade por suas reinscrições pós raciais de (in)visibilidades raciais. A partir do uso de análise histórica e crítica do discurso, o artigo revela como os mitos de uma meritocracia digital baseados em um “daltonismo racial” tecnocrático emergem como chave para a manutenção de exclusões de gênero e raça.Palavras-chave: Tecnologia. Raça. Gênero.Among modern digital technology elites, myths of meritocracy and intellectual prowess are used as racial and gender markers of white male supremacy that disproportionately consolidate resources away from people of color, particularly African Americans, Latino/as and Native Americans. Investments in meritocratic myths suppress interrogations of racism and discrimination even as the products of digital elites are infused with racial, class, and gender markers. Longstanding struggles for social, political, and economic inclusion for African Americans, women, and other legally protected classes have been predicated upon the recognition of systemic exclusion, forced labor, and structural disenfranchisement, and commitments to US public policies like affirmative action have, likewise, been fundamental to political reforms geared to economic opportunity and participation. The rise of the digital technocracy has, in many ways, been antithetical to these sustained efforts to recognize race and gender as salient factors structuring technocratic opportunity and inclusion. This paper explores some of the ways in which discourses of Silicon Valley technocratic elites bolster investments in post-racialism as a pretext for re-consolidations of capital, in opposition to public policy commitments to end discriminatory labor practices. Through a careful analysis of the rise of digital technology companies, and a discussion of how technology elites work to mask everything from algorithmic to genetic inscriptions of race embedded in their products, we show how digital elites elide responsibility for their post-racial re-inscriptions of racial visibilities (and invisibilities). Using historical and critical discourse analysis, the paper reveals how myths of a digital meritocracy premised on a technocratic colorblindness emerge key to perpetuating gender and racial exclusions.Keywords: Technology. Race. Gender

Cheering for Barça: FC Barcelona and the shaping of Catalan identity

This thesis examines the relationship between Football Club Barcelona (Barça) and the Catalan nationalist movement. From its creation, Barça has been identified as a Catalan club. This identity took on new meaning during the Franco period when the regime's oppression of Catalan society drove all expressions of Catalan identity out of the public sphere. It was through the club and within the walls of the Camp Nou stadium that Catalunya was able to sustain its identity. The end of the Franco regime has created new opportunities for national expression and political solutions and the forces of globalisation have expanded Barça's fan base beyond the borders of Catalunya and now includes many who do not identify with the Catalan cause. This thesis assesses how the end of Franco and globalisation have changed Barça's Catalan identity and whether Barça might provide a model for expanding our understanding of the roles that cultural institutions can play in developing, shaping and sustaining sub-state nationalist identities.Ce mémoire examine la relation entre le Football Club Barcelona (Barça) et le mouvement nationaliste catalan. Dès sa création, Barça fut perçu comme un club catalan. Cette identité a pris un nouvel aspect pendant le régime de Franco, qui, par l'oppression de la société catalane, a poussé l'expression de l'identité catalane hors de la sphère publique. La Catalogne est parvenue à maintenir son identité grâce au club et au stade Camp Nou. La fin du régime de Franco a créé de nouvelles opportunités pour l'expression nationale, alors que les solutions politiques et les forces de la mondialisation ont étendu le support de Barça au delà des frontières de la Catalogne : beaucoup de supporters aujourd'hui n'adhèrent pas à la cause catalane. Ce mémoire examine comment la fin du régime de Franco ainsi que la mondialisation ont changé l'identité catalane de Barça, et la façon dont Barça peut servir de modèle pour approfondir la compréhension des rôles que les institutions culturelles peuvent jouer dans le développement, le façonnement et le maintien des identités nationalistes minoritaires à l'intérieur d'un État