Transit States to Destination Nations: Mexican and Moroccan Asylum Policies

Much of the literature surrounding immigration and asylum analyzes the policies adopted by highly developed nations like the United States and countries in the European Union. However, as these nations\u27 policies become increasingly restrictive, more migrants are turning towards neighboring nations that are easier to access but that have less developed immigration and asylum systems. Mexico and Morocco are two such nations. Historically, each has been a transit state--a nation that migrants traveled through in order to reach other states. However, both Mexico and Morocco are becoming destination nations. Social science scholarship has analyzed and compared changes in Mexico\u27s and Morocco\u27s immigration and emigration trends; however, little analysis exists comparing the legal mechanisms and structures of these nations\u27 asylum systems. This Note seeks to fill that gap in the literature by providing an overview of (1) the United States\u27 impact on Mexican immigration policy, (2) Spain\u27s and the EU\u27s impact on Moroccan emigration and immigration policy, (3) Mexico\u27s and Morocco\u27s current asylum system structures, and (4) the international framework driving asylum policy. This Note then provides a series of recommendations and analyzes their effectiveness for altering the international conventions, statutory law, and agencies so Mexico and Morocco can better protect vulnerable migrants as each becomes a destination nation

Bolivia's "left turn" toward rentier plurinationalism and its effects on ethnic tensions and solidarity

This thesis examines the establishment of plurinationalism in Bolivia and its relationship with a rentier economy based in extractive energy resources. In the early 2000s, Bolivia became part of a Leftist shift in governments across South America. With the election of Bolivia's first indigenous president, Evo Morales, Bolivia cast aside neo-liberal economic policies and nationalized many of its industries, the largest being the hydrocarbon and oil industry. Utilizing strong cultural and historical symbols, Morales gained overwhelming support from the mestizo and indigenous communities. The promise of self-determination and autonomy for self-identifying indigenous groups propelled Bolivian plurinationalism forward as the answer for change in a government that finally represented the traditionally repressed majority. Energy rents supported universal pensions, education, and maternal-infant health care; these programs became the primary tools for populist-style redistribution. This thesis analyzes the effectiveness of these social programs in establishing national cohesion and identity among the Bolivian population. A historical comparison of Bolivia before plurinationalism, announced in 2005, and during the establishment of plurinationalism, 2005Ð2013, is utilized to gauge the effectiveness of the new government policy in creating national cohesion. The primary finding of this thesis is the that effective impact of social programs on national cohesion is minimal. Instead of greater Bolivian national cohesion, the primary outcome of these programs is the reinforcement of the social divide between the Morales government supporters in the western highlands and autonomy seeking groups in the eastern lowlands.http://archive.org/details/boliviasleftturn1094549455Lieutenant, United States NavyApproved for public release; distribution is unlimited