St. Paul's application of Old Testament and early Jewish conceptions of the solidarity of the human race

The subject under consideration was first brought to the writer's attention by Professor John Sanderson of Faith Theological Seminary. Later Mr. E. Earle Ellis, a friend and fellow -student, gave this subject a limited treatment in a thesis presented to the Faculty of the Wheaton Graduate School of Theology in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts. His study covered briefly the Biblical evidence of a conception of solidarity in the application of punishment and blessing to the group.The chosen topic was submitted for consideration in a conference with Professor James S. Stewart. Following his approval, the Senatus Academicus of the University of Edinburgh accepted the present title of the thesis in its amended form on May 4th, 1954.The primary sources for our investigation of the topic are in the first instance, the thirteen generally accepted Epistles of Paul as they are found in the resultant Greek text of Nestle's nineteenth edition. Although the genuineness of Ephesians and particularly the Pastorals has been brought into serious question, it may be assumed for our purposes (which are theological and not critical) that they are Pauline. As to the canon of the Old Testament available to Paul, there is no reason to doubt that its extent was different from its present definition in the Masoretic Hebrew text.1 The primary sources of Early Jewish thought will be discussed in the introduction to chapter two.In regard to the secondary sources which treat the life, letters, and doctrine of Paul, there is almost no limit to the amount of literature which might be consulted profitably. There have been more books written which deal with Paul than there are years since he lived. It would be both impossible and unnecessary to consult them all especially when it is noted that the background literature covering the Old Testament and Early Judaism is still more prolific. For this reason the attached bibliography is only representative, not exhaustive. The categories of both "books" and "articles and essays" include only the bibliography to which actual reference has been made in the footnotes or text, not all of the works which have been consulted.With reference to the mechanics of composition, a few points will suffice: 1) American spelling, punctuation, and rules of grammar are employed, 2) Scriptural quotations generally - follow the Authorized Version or the writer's own translation; quotations from either the Revised or Revised Standard Versions are normally indicated by the initials, R. V. , and. R. S. V. , respectively, 3) a number of standard abbreviations as well as those used for convenience are deciphered on p. 66

Technological elites, the meritocracy, and postracial myths in Silicon Valley

Entre as modernas elites tecnológicas digitais, os mitos da meritocracia e da façanha intelectual são usados como marcadores de raça e gênero por uma supremacia branca masculina que consolida recursos de forma desproporcional em relação a pessoas não brancas, principalmente negros, latinos e indígenas. Os investimentos em mitos meritocráticos suprimem os questionamentos de racismo e discriminação, mesmo quando os produtos das elites digitais são infundidos com marcadores de raça, classe e gênero. As lutas históricas por inclusão social, política e econômica de negros, mulheres e outras classes desprotegidas têm implicado no reconhecimento da exclusão sistêmica, do trabalho forçado e da privação de direitos estruturais, além de compromissos com políticas públicas dos EUA, como as ações afirmativas, que foram igualmente fundamentais para reformas políticas voltadas para participação e oportunidades econômicas. A ascensão da tecnocracia digital tem sido, em muitos aspectos, antitética a esses esforços no sentido de reconhecer raça e gênero como fatores cruciais para inclusão e oportunidades tecnocráticas. Este artigo explora algumas das formas pelas quais os discursos das elites tecnocráticas do Vale do Silício reforçam os investimentos no pós racialismo como um pretexto para a re-consolidação do capital em oposição às políticas públicas que prometem acabar com práticas discriminatórias no mundo do trabalho. Por meio de uma análise cuidadosa do surgimento de empresas de tecnologias digitais e de uma discussão sobre como as elites tecnológicas trabalham para mascarar tudo, como inscrições algorítmicas e genéticas de raça incorporadas em seus produtos, mostramos como as elites digitais omitem a sua responsabilidade por suas reinscrições pós raciais de (in)visibilidades raciais. A partir do uso de análise histórica e crítica do discurso, o artigo revela como os mitos de uma meritocracia digital baseados em um “daltonismo racial” tecnocrático emergem como chave para a manutenção de exclusões de gênero e raça.Palavras-chave: Tecnologia. Raça. Gênero.Among modern digital technology elites, myths of meritocracy and intellectual prowess are used as racial and gender markers of white male supremacy that disproportionately consolidate resources away from people of color, particularly African Americans, Latino/as and Native Americans. Investments in meritocratic myths suppress interrogations of racism and discrimination even as the products of digital elites are infused with racial, class, and gender markers. Longstanding struggles for social, political, and economic inclusion for African Americans, women, and other legally protected classes have been predicated upon the recognition of systemic exclusion, forced labor, and structural disenfranchisement, and commitments to US public policies like affirmative action have, likewise, been fundamental to political reforms geared to economic opportunity and participation. The rise of the digital technocracy has, in many ways, been antithetical to these sustained efforts to recognize race and gender as salient factors structuring technocratic opportunity and inclusion. This paper explores some of the ways in which discourses of Silicon Valley technocratic elites bolster investments in post-racialism as a pretext for re-consolidations of capital, in opposition to public policy commitments to end discriminatory labor practices. Through a careful analysis of the rise of digital technology companies, and a discussion of how technology elites work to mask everything from algorithmic to genetic inscriptions of race embedded in their products, we show how digital elites elide responsibility for their post-racial re-inscriptions of racial visibilities (and invisibilities). Using historical and critical discourse analysis, the paper reveals how myths of a digital meritocracy premised on a technocratic colorblindness emerge key to perpetuating gender and racial exclusions.Keywords: Technology. Race. Gender

Man in Community : A Study of St. Paul's Application of Old Testament and Early Jewish Co

Michiganxiii, 209 p.; 22 c

A WALKING, SCANNING TUNNELING MICROSCOPE COMBINED WITH A FOCUSED ION BEAM

A walking, concentric-tube STM has been designed to interface with an FIB. The outer tube, which stands upright on 3 spherical feet, supports the inner tube and serves as an inertial stepper, allowing the STM to move laterally relative to a sample. The ion beam can pass down through the center of the inner tube, which operates as a conventional tube scanner with the STM tip at its lower end. The STM walks distances of mm with µm-scale resolution, resolves the pyrolytic graphite lattice, and can image regions of up to 3.5 x 3.5 µm

Public opinion on the killing of Trayvon Martin: A test of the racial gradient thesis

The purpose of this study was to examine the role of race in explaining perceived criminal injustice through an examination of the Trayvon Martin shooting. The study was grounded in the racial gradient thesis. We utilized the 2012 USA Today/Gallup Poll data of a nationally representative sample of more than 2000 respondents. The sample included African-Americans, Hispanics, and Whites. African-Americans were the racial group most likely to believe that criminal injustice surrounded the Trayvon Martin shooting. Hispanics generally perceived more criminal injustice than Whites regarding the shooting, though this difference was not always statistically significant. Past mistreatment of minorities likely explained much of the differences in perceptions. © 2013 Copyright Midwestern Criminal Justice Association