8 research outputs found
Sources for the History of Urban Planning in Canada, 1890-1939
By 1912, there was widespread recognition in Canada of an acute shortage of decent housing. A national town planning movement developed because many in the housing reform movement became convinced that the servicing of suburban lots could become so much more efficient through preventive planning, that large numbers of families currently doomed to slum conditions would become able to afford sanitary suburban dwellings. The movement manifested itself in such national conferences as the "First Canadian Housing and Town Planning Conference" held in Winnipeg in 1912, and the separate meeting of Canadian delegates to the National Conference 2 on City Planning convention held at the University of Toronto in 1914. Soon two national organizations devoted to town planning were formed: the Civic Improvement League of Canada (founded in late 1915) and the Town Planning Institute of Canada (T.P.I.C), begun in 1919. By the 1920fs, town planning consultants such as Horace Seymour, Norman Wilson, A.G. Dalzell, and A.E.K. Bunnell were doing work for cities and towns throughout the country. Moreover, Canadian planners were advocating planning principles which, they believed, might be applied throughout urban Canada. </jats:p
The Role of Suburban Government in the City-Building Process: The Case of Notre Dame de Grâces, Quebec, 1876-1910
L’annexion des municipalités adjacentes constitue une stratégie de croissance décisive à la fois pour Montréal et Toronto. L’histoire du développement d’une importante banlieue industrielle telle Maisonneuve, avant son annexion à Montréal en 1918, présente un intérêt majeur. Par contre, les banlieues dépourvues d’une base industrielle n’ont guère suscité de recherches. Cet article traite du cas d’une municipalité faiblement peuplée et montre que les décisions prises par les dirigeants de ce faubourg à vocation presque exclusivement résidentielle continuent d’en façonner le développement longtemps après l’annexion.Les fondateurs de la ville de Notre-Dame de Grâces, annexée en 1910, projetaient d’en faire un havre résidentiel destiné à la classe moyenne. La population du quartier Notre-Dame de Grâces connaît une croissance rapide, passant de 4 000 en 1910 à 46 850 en 1931. Durant les années vingt, les cols blancs anglophones à revenu moyen en font leur lieu de résidence favori. Ou y perçoit un clivage basé sur la solidité financière; ainsi ceux qui perdent leur emploi déménagent vers des quartiers plus modestes, quittant un secteur qui compte moins d’indigents que partout ailleurs à Montréal. Le succès de N.D.G. repose en partie sur son emplacement favorable. Elle est située principalement sur une large étendue du versant ouest du Mont-Royal, surplombant la zone industrielle enfumée située le long du canal Lachine, séparée de ce dernier par un escarpement qui s’étend sur une bonne distance. De plus, Westmount, riche cité résidentielle autonome, protège N.D.G. du tohu-bohu de la basse-ville. Enfin de compte, avant l’annexion, les dirigeants de N.D.G. avaient déjà déterminé le moment où s’amorcerait le démarrage de la croissance, l’utilisation du sol, le niveau économique des nouveaux habitants et l’axe autour duquel les constructeurs pourraient concentrer les meilleures habitations.Annexation of adjacent municipalities was a growth strategy crucial to both Montreal and Toronto. The importance of the pre-annexation history of a suburb such as Maisonneuve, a major industrial city when Montreal absorbed it in 1918, is obvious. Little, however, has been written on suburbs lacking an industrial base. This paper demonstrates that the government of a sparsely populated, almost entirely residential suburb could take decisions which continued to shape development long after annexation.Annexed in 1910, the Town of Notre Dame de Grâces had been intended by its founders to become a residential haven for the middle class. The population of Notre Dame de Grâces Ward grew quickly, from 4,000 in 1910 to 46,850 in 1931. By the 1920s, it was recognized as the preferred residential location for middle-income, white-collar anglophones. It welcomed only the financially reliable: those who lost their jobs typically moved to cheaper quarters elsewhere, leaving the area with fewer indigents than any other ward in Montreal. Popularly known as "N.D.G.," its success came in part from favourable location. It was situated mainly on the far reaches of the western slope of Mount Royal, "above the hill," elevated above the smoky industrial area along the Lachine Canal by the bluff which runs for miles. Moreover, the independent City of Westmount, equally residential but wealthier, sheltered N.D.G. from downtown bustle. Nonetheless, N.D.G.'s pre-annexation government determined when suburban growth might "take off," the land use, the economic level of new inhabitants, and about what axis builders would concentrate the best homes