45 research outputs found

    The Influence of Attitude on the Treatment of Interdentals in Loanwords : Ill-performed Importations

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    This article treats cross-linguistic variation in the treatment of /0, d/ in loanwords. We maintain that the phonological adaptation of /0, d/, cross-linguistically, is to /t, d/, that substitution by /f, v/, which occurs in a few languages, is based on faulty perception of the interdental fricatives, and that adaptation to /s, z/, which notably occurs in Japanese, European French and German, represents a flawed production-based attempt to import interdentals. We suggest that such flawed importation occurs when foreign sounds are difficult to produce but the source language holds sufficient prestige that it is deemed important to do so. This proposal is supported by data from, e.g., English, Greek and Classical Arabic. The treatment of interdentals parallels that of the difficult French phoneme /ʒ/ in loanwords in Fula, which also yields a flawed production-based importation, lending further support to our analysis of /0, d/ to /s, z/ as flawed importations.Aquest article tracta de la variació en l'adaptació de les interdentals /0, d/ en els manlleus de diferents llengües. Nosaltres afirmem que l'adaptació fonològica de /0, d/ és /t, d/, que la substitució per /f, v/ que ocorre en algunes llengües es basa en una percepció defectuosa de les fricatives interdentals, i que l'adaptació a /s, z/, que apareix sovint en japonès, francès europeu i alemany, representa un intent imperfecte d'adaptació i producció de les interdentals. Suggerim que aquesta adaptació imperfecta ocorre quan els sons foranis són difícils de pronunciar però que s'ha de fer l'esforç atès el prestigi que té la llengua donant. Aquesta proposta es basa en dades de l'anglès, el grec i l'àrab clàssic. El tractament de les interdentals és anàleg al del fonema francès /ʒ/ en els manlleus del fula, llengua en què també es produeix una importació defectuosa, la qual cosa afavoreix la nostra anàlisi de /0, d/ importades defectuosament com a /s, z/

    L’alternance C/Ø des verbes français : une analyse par contraintes et stratégies de réparation

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    L’alternance C(onsonne)/Ø en français, notamment dans la flexion verbale, est souvent causée par des violations de contraintes phonologiques. Les consonnes latentes sont analysées ici comme des consonnes flottantes - des consonnes malformées en forme sous-jacente parce sans unité de temps - qui violent le « principe de légitimation » selon lequel toute unité phonologique doit être incorporée dans une structure complète. Selon le contexte phonologique/ morphologique, une violation peut être « réparée » par l’élision de la consonne flottante ou l’insertion d’une unité de temps, d’où résulte partiellement l’alternance C/Ø. Contrairement aux traditionnels groupes verbaux, la distinction entre « radical à consonne flottante » et « radical à consonne permanente » permet de prédire la sélection de suffixes infinitifs.The French C(onsonant)/Ø alternation, notably in verbal inflection, is often triggered by phonological constraint violations. We analyze the consonants involved in this alternation as floating consonants, i.e. consonants without a timing unit. This violates the "Prosodic Licensing Principle" which states, roughly, that all phonological units must be incorporated in a complete structure. Depending on the phonological/ morphological context, a violation can be "repaired" either by deleting the floating consonant or by licensing it (e.g. by linking it to a timing unit). This accounts for the C/Ø alternation. Distinguishing between "floating consonant" and "fixed consonant" stems allows us to partly predict the infinitive suffix selection

    An extreme case of plant-insect co-diversification: figs and fig-pollinating wasps

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    It is thought that speciation in phytophagous insects is often due to colonization of novel host plants, because radiations of plant and insect lineages are typically asynchronous. Recent phylogenetic comparisons have supported this model of diversification for both insect herbivores and specialized pollinators. An exceptional case where contemporaneous plant insect diversification might be expected is the obligate mutualism between fig trees (Ficus species, Moraceae) and their pollinating wasps (Agaonidae, Hymenoptera). The ubiquity and ecological significance of this mutualism in tropical and subtropical ecosystems has long intrigued biologists, but the systematic challenge posed by >750 interacting species pairs has hindered progress toward understanding its evolutionary history. In particular, taxon sampling and analytical tools have been insufficient for large-scale co-phylogenetic analyses. Here, we sampled nearly 200 interacting pairs of fig and wasp species from across the globe. Two supermatrices were assembled: on average, wasps had sequences from 77% of six genes (5.6kb), figs had sequences from 60% of five genes (5.5 kb), and overall 850 new DNA sequences were generated for this study. We also developed a new analytical tool, Jane 2, for event-based phylogenetic reconciliation analysis of very large data sets. Separate Bayesian phylogenetic analyses for figs and fig wasps under relaxed molecular clock assumptions indicate Cretaceous diversification of crown groups and contemporaneous divergence for nearly half of all fig and pollinator lineages. Event-based co-phylogenetic analyses further support the co-diversification hypothesis. Biogeographic analyses indicate that the presentday distribution of fig and pollinator lineages is consistent with an Eurasian origin and subsequent dispersal, rather than with Gondwanan vicariance. Overall, our findings indicate that the fig-pollinator mutualism represents an extreme case among plant-insect interactions of coordinated dispersal and long-term co-diversification

    Configurational constraints: structure or content

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    I will show that the notion of "focus" in constraint descriptions is crucial in determining both how a constraint violation is repaired and the object of the change, i.e. what must be fixed up. The configurational constraints we will be concerned with here determine the content of diphthongs in Guere, a Kru language spoken in the Ivory Coast (cf. Paradis 1983a,b)

    The inadequacy of filters and faithfulness in loan word adaptation

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    The objective of this paper is twofold. First, it aims to show that segment deletion in borrowings is largely predictable, and that this predictability might be problematic for a filter-based framework since, as we will see, it entails that phonological processes are visible to phonological constraints

    Contrasts from segmental parameter settings in loanwords: core and periphery in Quebec French

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    Chomsky (1986: 150) suggests that languages are constituted of a "core" and a "periphery": ''The language that.we then know is a system of principles with parameters fIxed, along with a periphery of marked exceptions". This paper aims at showing that the notion of "periphery" is essential to contrast "prohibited segments", i.e. segments that are systematically and immediately adapted or eliminated as soon as they are introduced in a language, with "tolerated segments", i.e. segments which are sometimes adapted and sometimes not, in Quebec French (QF). Following Itô and Mester (1993) on Japanese, our purpose will also be to show that the QF periphery is more organized than it appears at fIrst sight, i.e. it is not only a bundle of marked exceptions. In this paper, we will maintain that the periphery, like the core, results from parameter-settings. In the periphery, however, parameters are set in such a way that they often yield constraint deactivation, a fact also hypothesized by Chomsky (1986: 147): "... it may be that peripheral constructions are related to the core in systematic ways, say, by relaxing certain condition of core grammar"

    Vowel Fusion and Antigemination in Guere and Mau

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    Three major articles on the Obligatory Contour Principle (OCP) were recently published in LI. McCarthy (1986) and Yip (1988) claim that the OCP is the cause of a number of apparently unrelated phonological processes. Odden (1988) contests the basic idea that the OCP plays such a widespread role in individual grammars. Based on a number of counterexamples to antigemination, an OCP effect defined below, Odden argues against the universality of the OCP. In this paper, we examine data having the formal characteristics of some of Odden's counterexamples and show how they can be reconciled with a universal OCP
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