47 research outputs found

    Developmental predictors of inattention-hyperactivity from pregnancy to early childhood

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    Objective The objective of the study was to characterize the developmental sequence of pre- and postnatal risk factors for inattention-hyperactivity symptoms in preschoolers. Materials and Methods Longitudinal data came from a French population based birth cohort study (EDEN; N = 1311 mother-child pairs followed from the pregnancy onwards). Inattention-hyperactivity symptoms were assessed with the Strengths and Difficulties Questionnaire when participating children were 3 years of age. Potential risk factors were classified in four domains (fetal exposures and child somatic characteristics, child temperament, child neurodevelopmental status, psychosocial environment) and four periods (before pregnancy, prenatal/birth, infancy, toddlerhood). Their role as potential moderator or mediator was tested with path analysis to determine the developmental sequence.Results A low family socioeconomic status before pregnancy was the main environmental risk factor for inattention-hyperactivity symptoms at 3 years, and its effect occurred via two pathways. The first was a risk pathway, where lower SES was associated with higher maternal depression and anxiety during pregnancy; then to higher maternal and child distress and dysregulation in infancy; and in turn to higher levels of inattention-hyperactivity at 3 years. The second was a protective pathway, where higher SES was associated with longer duration of breastfeeding during infancy; then to better child neurodevelopmental status in toddlerhood; and in turn to lower levels of inattention-hyperactivity at 3 years. Discussion This study identified psychosocial factors at several developmental periods that represent potential targets for preventing the emergence of inattention-hyperactivity symptoms in early childhood

    La batalla por las ideas en tiempos posideológicos: Adaptaciones y permanencias ideológicas en la nueva centroderecha chilena

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    RESUMEN Introducción: ¿Cómo se posiciona la actual coalición de gobierno en Chile en torno a asuntos morales y coyunturales presentes en la región? ¿Qué permite inferir tal posicionamiento respecto de su carácter de derecha más o menos moderada? ¿Se rige la coalición por una doctrina o ideología unificada? Materiales y Métodos: Para responder estas preguntas, utilizamos datos de una encuesta original y representativa a nivel de partido de los dirigentes de Chile Vamos, la actual coalición de gobierno, indagando los elementos de continuidad y cambio dentro del espectro ideológico de la derecha chilena. Se utilizaron las respuestas de los dirigentes de la UDI (303 casos), RN (213 casos) y Evópoli (104 casos), a una encuesta levantada entre el 10 de noviembre de 2015 y el 31 de octubre de 2016. Resultados: Observamos, por un lado, que algunos de estos nuevos temas generan cambios al dividir a la coalición a través de líneas partidarias, con lo cual se puede hablar de un efecto partido relevante, en un contexto en el cual la literatura especializada pone en duda la importancia de las organizaciones partidarias como tales. Por otro lado, se evidencian continuidades ideológicas distinguidas a partir de posiciones históricas en el eje Estado-mercado. Estas influencias ideológicas se aprehenden a partir de sensibilidades susceptibles de ser relevadas empíricamente y se distribuyen de manera homogénea al interior de los principales partidos de la coalición. Discusión: Sostenemos que la coalición de gobierno debe ser entendida a partir de estos focos detensión entre cambio y permanencia, entre rasgos posideológicos y de batalla por las ideas.PALABRAS CLAVE: nueva centroderecha; Chile Vamos; sensibilidades políticas; dirigencia partidista; partidos políticos. The Battle of Ideas in Post-Ideological Times: Ideological Adaptations and Continuities in the New ChileanCenter-RightABSTRACT Introduction: What are the positions of the Chilean government coalition elites on moral and contemporary issues? Is it possible to infer from such positions that the right has become more centrist? Is the coalition ruled by a unified doctrine? Materials and Methods: To answer these questions, we used data from an original and representative survey at the party level of the leaders of Chile Vamos, the current government coalition, investigating the elements of continuity and change within its ideological spectrum. The responses of the leaders of the UDI (303 cases), RN (213 cases) and Evópoli (104 cases), were gathered to a survey conducted between November 10, 2015 and October 31, 2016. Results: We find that some of these new issues generate change by dividing the coalition along party lines, what we call a party effect, in a context in which the specialized literature questions the relevance of party organizations as such. On the other hand, there is evidence of ideological continuities within the Chilean right traditions of thought regarding historical positions in the state-market axis. These political sensibilities are empirically grounded and they distribute homogeneously within the main parties of the coalition. Discussion: We argue that the government coalition must be understood from these tensions between change and continuity, between post-ideological features and the battle of ideas.KEYWORDS: new centre-right; Chile Vamos; political sensibilities; party elites; political parties

    ¿Cuán similares son las actitudes de los hombres y las mujeres dirigentes? Brechas de género y moderación en la centro-derecha chilena

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    The literature has shown the persistence of a gender gap on attitudes about divisive issues that are usually associated with a left-wing agenda: death penalty, human rights for convicted criminals, same-sex marriage, marijuana legalization, and abortion. However, little is known about the attitudes of party leaders on these issues and their relevance beyond advanced industrial democracies. In particular, if the gender gap also holds for conservative women leaders. This paper analyzes the position in favor of these and other divisive issues within conservative party leaders in Chile. The current governing coalition is made up of three main different organizations, the Unión Demócrata Independiente (UDI), Renovación Nacional (RN) and the recentlycreated Evolución Política (Evópoli), that with nuances promote values, ideas and interests within the liberal-conservative spectrum, but firmly identify with a centerright ideology. Using original data from a representative survey of party elites at the national, regional and local levels, we estimate by means of a logistic regression with finite-sample correction whether gender plays an important role on five controversial themes depending on individual characteristics such as age, religion, and education as well as party membership. Our findings underline that gender usually matters and conservative women tend to have distinctive stances on divisive issues. In many ways, these differences position women on less extreme positions vis-à-vis their male counterparts and may foster moderation within the center-right coalition.La literatura ha demostrado la persistencia de una brecha de género en las actitudes sobre temas controvertidos que generalmente se asocian con una agenda de izquierdas: la pena de muerte, la garantía de los derechos humanos para delincuentes, los matrimonios entre personas del mismo sexo, la legalización de la marihuana y de la interrupción voluntaria del embarazo. Sin embargo, poco se sabe respecto a las actitudes de los líderes de los partidos sobre estos temas y su relevancia fuera de las democracias industriales avanzadas. En particular, si la brecha de género también es válida para las mujeres líderes conservadoras. Este artículo analiza la posición sobre temas controvertidos dentro de la dirigencia de la coalición actual de gobierno de Chile. La coalición está principalmente formada por tres organizaciones diferentes, la Unión Demócrata Independiente (UDI), Renovación Nacional (RN) y la recientemente creada Evolución Política (Evópoli), que promueven valores, ideas e intereses con matices dentro del espectro liberal-conservador, pero se identifican con una ideología de centro-derecha. Usando datos originales de unaencuesta representativa de las élites partidarias de la coalición a nivel nacional, regional y local, estimamos mediante una regresión logística con corrección de muestra finita si el género desempeña un papel relevante en las actitudes sobre cinco temas controvertidos dependiendo de características individuales como la edad, la religión y la educación, así como la membresía del partido y la sensibilidad política. Nuestros hallazgos subrayan que el género suele ser importante y que las mujeres de Chile Vamos tienden a tener posturas distintivas sobre algunos de estos temas. Estas diferencias sistemáticas suelen suelen colocar a las mujeres de la dirigencia en posiciones menos extremas con respecto a los dirigentes masculinos y podrían tener un efecto moderador sobre la coalición de centro-derecha

    Innate Sensing of HIV-Infected Cells

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    Cell-free HIV-1 virions are poor stimulators of type I interferon (IFN) production. We examined here how HIV-infected cells are recognized by plasmacytoid dendritic cells (pDCs) and by other cells. We show that infected lymphocytes are more potent inducers of IFN than virions. There are target cell-type differences in the recognition of infected lymphocytes. In primary pDCs and pDC-like cells, recognition occurs in large part through TLR7, as demonstrated by the use of inhibitors and by TLR7 silencing. Donor cells expressing replication-defective viruses, carrying mutated reverse transcriptase, integrase or nucleocapsid proteins induced IFN production by target cells as potently as wild-type virus. In contrast, Env-deleted or fusion defective HIV-1 mutants were less efficient, suggesting that in addition to TLR7, cytoplasmic cellular sensors may also mediate sensing of infected cells. Furthermore, in a model of TLR7-negative cells, we demonstrate that the IRF3 pathway, through a process requiring access of incoming viral material to the cytoplasm, allows sensing of HIV-infected lymphocytes. Therefore, detection of HIV-infected lymphocytes occurs through both endosomal and cytoplasmic pathways. Characterization of the mechanisms of innate recognition of HIV-infected cells allows a better understanding of the pathogenic and exacerbated immunologic events associated with HIV infection

    MICROSCOPE mission: first results of a space test of the equivalence principle

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    According to the weak equivalence principle, all bodies should fall at the same rate in a gravitational field. The MICROSCOPE satellite, launched in April 2016, aims to test its validity at the 10−15 precision level, by measuring the force required to maintain two test masses (of titanium and platinum alloys) exactly in the same orbit. A nonvanishing result would correspond to a violation of the equivalence principle, or to the discovery of a new long-range force. Analysis of the first data gives δ(Ti,Pt)=[−1±9(stat)±9(syst)]×10−15 (1σ statistical uncertainty) for the titanium-platinum Eötvös parameter characterizing the relative difference in their free-fall accelerations

    Recommendations for the Use of Serious Games in Neurodegenerative Disorders: 2016 Delphi Panel

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    The use of Serious Games (SG) in the health domain is expanding. In the field of neurodegenerative disorders (ND) such as Alzheimer’s disease, SG are currently employed both to support and improve the assessment of different functional and cognitive abilities, and to provide alternative solutions for patients’ treatment, stimulation, and rehabilitation. As the field is quite young, recommendations on the use of SG in people with ND are still rare. In 2014 we proposed some initial recommendations (Robert et al., 2014). The aim of the present work was to update them, thanks to opinions gathered by experts in the field during an expert Delphi panel. Results confirmed that SG are adapted to elderly people with mild cognitive impairment (MCI) and dementia, and can be employed for several purposes, including assessment, stimulation, and improving wellbeing, with some differences depending on the population (e.g., physical stimulation may be better suited for people with MCI). SG are more adapted for use with trained caregivers (both at home and in clinical settings), with a frequency ranging from 2 to 4 times a week. Importantly, the target of SG, their frequency of use and the context in which they are played depend on the SG typology (e.g., Exergame, cognitive game), and should be personalized with the help of a clinician

    ¿Cuán similares son las actitudes de los hombres y las mujeres dirigentes? Brechas de género y moderación en la centro-derecha chilena

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    The literature has shown the persistence of a gender gap on attitudes about divisive issues that are usually associated with a left-wing agenda: death penalty, human rights for convicted criminals, same-sex marriage, marijuana legalization, and abortion. However, little is known about the attitudes of party leaders on these issues and their relevance beyond advanced industrial democracies. In particular, if the gender gap also holds for conservative women leaders. This paper analyzes the position in favor of these and other divisive issues within conservative party leaders in Chile. The current governing coalition is made up of three main different organizations, the Unión Demócrata Independiente (UDI), Renovación Nacional (RN) and the recentlycreated Evolución Política (Evópoli), that with nuances promote values, ideas and interests within the liberal-conservative spectrum, but firmly identify with a centerright ideology. Using original data from a representative survey of party elites at the national, regional and local levels, we estimate by means of a logistic regression with finite-sample correction whether gender plays an important role on five controversial themes depending on individual characteristics such as age, religion, and education as well as party membership. Our findings underline that gender usually matters and conservative women tend to have distinctive stances on divisive issues. In many ways, these differences position women on less extreme positions vis-à-vis their male counterparts and may foster moderation within the center-right coalition.La literatura ha demostrado la persistencia de una brecha de género en las actitudes sobre temas controvertidos que generalmente se asocian con una agenda de izquierdas: la pena de muerte, la garantía de los derechos humanos para delincuentes, los matrimonios entre personas del mismo sexo, la legalización de la marihuana y de la interrupción voluntaria del embarazo. Sin embargo, poco se sabe respecto a las actitudes de los líderes de los partidos sobre estos temas y su relevancia fuera de las democracias industriales avanzadas. En particular, si la brecha de género también es válida para las mujeres líderes conservadoras. Este artículo analiza la posición sobre temas controvertidos dentro de la dirigencia de la coalición actual de gobierno de Chile. La coalición está principalmente formada por tres organizaciones diferentes, la Unión Demócrata Independiente (UDI), Renovación Nacional (RN) y la recientemente creada Evolución Política (Evópoli), que promueven valores, ideas e intereses con matices dentro del espectro liberal-conservador, pero se identifican con una ideología de centro-derecha. Usando datos originales de unaencuesta representativa de las élites partidarias de la coalición a nivel nacional, regional y local, estimamos mediante una regresión logística con corrección de muestra finita si el género desempeña un papel relevante en las actitudes sobre cinco temas controvertidos dependiendo de características individuales como la edad, la religión y la educación, así como la membresía del partido y la sensibilidad política. Nuestros hallazgos subrayan que el género suele ser importante y que las mujeres de Chile Vamos tienden a tener posturas distintivas sobre algunos de estos temas. Estas diferencias sistemáticas suelen suelen colocar a las mujeres de la dirigencia en posiciones menos extremas con respecto a los dirigentes masculinos y podrían tener un efecto moderador sobre la coalición de centro-derecha
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