The thorny issue of ethnic autonomy in Croatia: Serb leaders and proposals for autonomy

Die gegenwärtige politische Struktur Kroatiens sieht für die serbische Minderheit eine weitgehende kulturelle Autonomie und eine entsprechende politische Repräsentation vor. Der vorliegende Artikel zeigt, dass dies Arrangement einer relativen Autonomie aus den geschickten Verhandlungen und einem moderaten Kurs der politischen Elite der serbischen Minderheit resultiert. Widerlegt wird damit das Statement über die Serben in Kroatien: 'Nachdem sie alles wollten, haben sie alles verloren'. Vor, während und nach dem Bürgerkrieg in den 90er Jahren diskutierten die Serben mehrere Modelle einer relativen Autonomie in einem postkommunistischen Europa. Der Beitrag rekonstruiert und kommentiert diese politischen Lösungsversuche. Insgesamt waren diese weitsichtigen und kompromissbereiten Vorschläge die Voraussetzungen für den gegenwärtigen befriedigenden Zustand - im Vergleich zu den anderen Folgestaaten der zerfallenen Bundesrepublik Jugoslawiens. (ICAÜbers

Intra-ethnic competition and inter-ethnic conflict: Serb elites in Croatia and Bosnia, 1990-1995.

During the conflict and war in Croatia and Bosnia, Serb leaders frequently emphasised the need for unity; the need for homogeneity in the face of impending challenges. However, disunity and rivalry prevailed among the Serb leaders and only became more acute as the conflict intensified. This intra-Serb competition has received little attention in the literature on the Yugoslav conflict and competition within groups is furthermore under-analysed in the theoretical literature on ethnic conflicts. But intra-ethnic competition significantly affects the positions adopted by ethnic leaders and parties, and an examination of these dynamics is therefore important for the study of ethnic conflicts and wars. Through an in-depth analysis of intra-Serb elite rivalry in Croatia and Bosnia, this thesis explores the impact of intra-ethnic competition. It argues that intra-Serb competition constituted a significant independent dynamic in the Yugoslav conflict and without it one cannot fully understand the escalation of the conflict, the outbreak of war and the continuous rejection of peace settlements. The Serbian regime played a significant role through the supply of resources, but the thesis will find that Slobodan Milosevi? was not always able to control the local Serb leaders. The victory of hardliners was the prevalent, but not the only, dynamic in the intra-Serb competition. Hardline dominance was generally contingent on the control of economic and coercive resources, and not based on appeals to popular sentiments; it was not about elites successfully 'playing the ethnic card'. Based on these findings a preliminary theory of the impact of intra-ethnic competition in inter-ethnic conflict will be suggested. As a corrective to existing theorising, it will argue that intra-ethnic competition does not necessarily lead to radicalisation, not even in a situation of war and polarisation. Popular support is, moreover, not the only resource of importance for the competing elites and radicalisation need not be driven by popular demands

The association between circulating adiponectin levels, lung function and adiposity in subjects from the general population:data from the Akershus Sleep Apnea Project

Background Circulating adiponectin (ADPN) levels are inversely associated with disease severity in patients with chronic obstructive pulmonary disease (COPD), while studies assessing the relationship between ADPN and lung function in subjects from the general population have shown diverging results. Accordingly, we hypothesized that ADPN would be associated with lung function in a population-based sample and tested how abdominal adiposity, metabolic syndrome, and systemic inflammation influenced this association. Methods We measured total ADPN in serum, forced vital capacity (FVC) and forced expiratory volume during the 1st second (FEV1) in 529 participants (median 50 years, 54.6% males) recruited from the general population. We assessed the association between ADPN and lung function by multivariate linear regression analyses and adjusted for age, gender, height, smoking habits, weight, body mass index, waist-hip ratio, metabolic syndrome, obstructive sleep apnoea (OSA) and C-reactive protein. Results The median (interquartile range) level of serum ADPN was 7.6 (5.4–10.4) mg/L. ADPN levels were positively associated with FVC % of predicted (beta 3.4 per SD adiponectin, p < 0.001)) in univariate linear regression analysis, but the association was attenuated in multivariate analysis (standardized beta 0.03, p = 0.573)). Among co-variates only WHR significantly attenuated the relationship. ADPN levels were also associated with FEV1% of predicted in bivariate analysis that adjusted for smoking (beta 1.4, p = 0.042)), but this association was attenuated and no longer significant in multivariate analysis (standardized beta -0.06, p = 0.254)). Conclusion In this population-based sample no association between ADPN and lung function was evident after adjustment for covariates related to adiposity

New genetic loci link adipose and insulin biology to body fat distribution.

Body fat distribution is a heritable trait and a well-established predictor of adverse metabolic outcomes, independent of overall adiposity. To increase our understanding of the genetic basis of body fat distribution and its molecular links to cardiometabolic traits, here we conduct genome-wide association meta-analyses of traits related to waist and hip circumferences in up to 224,459 individuals. We identify 49 loci (33 new) associated with waist-to-hip ratio adjusted for body mass index (BMI), and an additional 19 loci newly associated with related waist and hip circumference measures (P < 5 × 10(-8)). In total, 20 of the 49 waist-to-hip ratio adjusted for BMI loci show significant sexual dimorphism, 19 of which display a stronger effect in women. The identified loci were enriched for genes expressed in adipose tissue and for putative regulatory elements in adipocytes. Pathway analyses implicated adipogenesis, angiogenesis, transcriptional regulation and insulin resistance as processes affecting fat distribution, providing insight into potential pathophysiological mechanisms

From Kosovo to Karabakh : international responses to de facto states.

Both in the Balkans and in the Caucasus, the dominant international re-sponse to de facto states, or quasi-states, has been one of isolation; they violate the principle of territorial integrity, they are often based on warfare, and the legitimacy of their frequently ethnically-based claims to independence is rejected. This article finds that pragmatism has occasionally led to some form of reluctant engagement, but this has been ad hoc and its depoliticised nature has been stressed. De facto states have been viewed solely through the lens of ethnicity and there has been insufficient under-standing of internal dynamics. International policies for Kosovo have long impacted on the strategies adopted by other de facto states and recent developments have reig-nited hopes for recognition. The US and the EU have rejected any talk of a legal prece-dent, but Kosovoʹs recognition does have important political consequences; it intro-duces a new dynamism into currently stalled peace processes. This could lead to a hardening of positions, but it could also positively impact on the internal dynamics of the de facto states

Elite Interests and the Serbian-Montenegrin Conflict.

In ethnic conflicts, the behaviour of political elites constitutes an important variable, both in the outbreak of conflict and in attempts to find solutions. Insisting on the importance of elites does not imply, however, that elite interests are the only driving force: the elites operate in structures of constraints and opportunities. In this article, the conflict between Serbia and Montenegro is analyzed. The conflict began as a conflict over political and economic reforms, but during the course of the conflict it has acquired different characteristics. In this process, ethnicity has come to play a more important role. These developments are partly due to intentional elite behaviour, but the process of dissociation has also acquired its own momentum which constrains the elites. The article argues that elite interests, interplay between the elites in Belgrade and Podgorica as well as intra-‘ethnic’ dynamics have been crucial for the development of the conflict

Playing the Recognition Game: External Actors and De Facto States.

It is impossible to understand the creation and continued survival of de facto states without reference to external actors. External patrons provide vital support and the international system constrains and shapes these aspiring states. The relationship is, however, not one-sided, and these entities are not merely puppets. In fact external dependence creates significant dilemmas for de facto states: it undercuts their de facto independence and contradicts their strategy for gaining international recognition, thereby undermining their long-term sustainability. The dilemmas facing de facto states have been accentuated by the recent recognition of Kosovo, Abkhazia and South Ossetia

Belgrade, Pale, Knin: Kin-state Control over rebellious puppets?

The importance of kin-state involvement in ethnic conflicts and wars is often recognised in the literature, yet little theorising exists. This article analyses the links between the Serbian regime and the Serb leaders in Croatia and Bosnia during the Yugoslav war. Contrary to widespread assumptions, it finds that Slobodan Miloevi was not always able to control local developments; the local Serb leaders became increasingly rebellious and possessed means for limiting Belgrade's influence. Instead of assuming static ethnic solidarities, the analysis focuses on intra-ethnic divisions and the supply of resources and is thereby able to capture the fluidity of kin-state relations and the potentially limited longevity of such ties. It shows that links between a kin-state and its ethnic brethren may be weakened despite the existence of extreme insecurity