Tunisia at the Forefront of the Arab World: Two Waves of Gender Legislation

Starting in the 1950s and ever since, Tunisia has implemented gender legislation expanding women\u27s rights in family law. The ground breaking phase occurred with the promulgation of the Code of Personal Status in the mid-1950s during the formation of a national state in the aftermath of independence from French colonial rule. Another major phase occurred in the 1990s with citizenship law reforms as embodied in the Tunisian Code of Nationality. As a result of these two major phases, Tunisia has been at the fore front of woman friendly legislative changes in the Arab- Muslim world and is widely recognized as such. At a time when issues of women\u27s rights are not only highly debated, but sometimes violently contested in Muslim countries, the Tunisian case requires examination. This Article documents the two major phases of reforms in favor of women\u27s rights in Tunisia and outlines the conditions that permitted or encouraged the continuity over the last half century. The first wave of reforms in the 1950s transformed the legal construction of gender roles within the family. The second wave in the 1990s redefined the conditions for the transmission of Tunisian citizenship. In painting social change in broad strokes, I analyze the initial and pioneering phase of the 1950s as a reform resulting from the actions of a newly formed national state interested in building a new society at the end of colonial rule. By contrast, the role of women\u27s agency came into play in Tunisia starting in the 1980s and became more robust in the 1990s. The evidence suggests that different political configurations can be conducive to reform in different periods

Liberal outcomes through undemocratic means: the reform of the Code de statut personnel in Morocco

The 2004 reform of the family code in Morocco has been held as one of the most significant liberal reforms undertaken in the country, and has led scholars and policy makers to argue that this demonstrates the democratic progress Morocco and the King are making. At the same time, the role of the women's movement in getting the reform approved has seemingly confirmed that associational life is crucial in promoting democratisation. This paper, building on theoretical work questioning the linkage between a strong civil society and democratic outcomes, argues that civil society activism does not necessarily lead to democratisation, and may reinforce authoritarian practices. Far from demonstrating the centrality of civil society, the process through which the new family code was passed highlights the crucial institutional role of the monarch, whose individual decision-making power has driven the whole process. Authoritarianism finds itself strengthened in Morocco despite the liberal nature and outcome of the reform

A multi-modal architecture for non-intrusive analysis of performance in the workplace

Human performance, in all its different dimensions, is a very complex and interesting topic. In this paper we focus on performance in the workplace which, asides from complex is often controversial. While organizations and generally competitive working conditions push workers into increasing performance demands, this does not necessarily correlates positively to productivity. Moreover, existing performance monitoring approaches (electronic or not) are often dreaded by workers since they either threat their privacy or are based on productivity measures, with specific side effects. We present a new approach for the problem of performance monitoring that is not based on productivity measures but on the workers’ movements while sitting and on the performance of their interaction with the machine. We show that these features correlate with mental fatigue and provide a distributed architecture for the non-intrusive and transparent collection of this data. The easiness in deploying this architecture, its non-intrusive nature, the potential advantages for better human resources management and the fact that it is not based on productivity measures will, in our belief, increase the willingness of both organizations and workers to implement this kind of performance management initiatives.This work has been supported by COMPETE: POCI-01-0145-FEDER-007043 and FCT - Fundacao para a Ciencia e Tecnologia within the Project Scope: UID/CEC/00319/2013. The work of Davide Carneiro is supported by a Post-Doctoral Grant by FCT (SFRH/BPD/109070/2015).info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersio

Determining the number of clusters in CROKI2 algorithm

One of the major problems in clustering is the needof specifying the optimal number of clusters in someclustering algorithms. Some block clusteringalgorithms suffer from the same limitation that thenumber of clusters needs to be specified by a humanuser. This problem has been subject of wide research.Numerous indices were proposed in order to findreasonable number of clusters. In this paper, we aim toextend the use of these indices to block clusteringalgorithms. Therefore, an exami nation of some indicesfor determining the number of clusters in CROKI2algorithm is conducted on both real data extractedfrom Metz web site and synthetic data sets beinggenerated according to a methodology that will beexplained later. The purpose of the paper is to test theperformance and ability of some indices to detect theproper number of clusters on rows and columns and tocompare our new index with some other indexes

From Islamic Feminism to a Muslim Holistic Feminism

This article looks at the trajectory from secular feminism to Islamic feminism to Muslim holistic feminism, examining the changing meanings of ‘the secular’ and ‘the religious’ and the ways they intersect in the different modes of feminism. It contrasts the open, inclusive nature that typifies the secular feminisms Muslim and non?Muslims created in the twentieth century in contexts of anti?colonial struggle and early nation?state building with the communalism of the new Muslim holistic feminism now emerging in global space at a time when religious identity is fore?fronted and there is an international preoccupation with Muslim women's rights. The article argues that the communalisation of women's rights activism or the privileging of Muslim women's rights occurring at the global level and being exported to local terrain can be divisive and threatening national unity

Gendering the Politics of Alienation: Arab Revolution and Women’s Sentiments of Loss and Despair

The article suggests that from the start of the revolutions in the Arab region in late 2010 a connection between the law, state, political economy, gender norms and orientalist ideology has formed the foundation of women’s systematic exclusion from politics. As a consequence, women’s alienation from politics – a necessity for the restoration of old regimes of power – took on various forms, including: externalising, exceptionalising, and celebrating women’s revolutionary acts and contributions to revolutions. This article examines these processes that created the ideological and material conditions of women’s alienation, estranging their political involvement and exposing them to various forms of violence The article suggests that alienation of women from revolutions relied on gender normative ideology to create women’s supposedly unique and distinct interests; according to this ideology, women attempt to satisfy such interests through dancing, nikah al-jihad or the desire to be sexually harassed. Women’s power and needs were moulded as distinctly different from those of men. Hence, forms of alienation diminished women’s roles as initiators, producers of revolutions, rendering women apart. This article shows that, whilst forms of alienation differed in various political phases and often contradicted each other, the intent of each form of alienation was to show a defect, a mistake in women’s acts, and thus establish the supposedly ‘correct’ characteristics of women protesters based on women’s intrinsic nature. Through this, gender normativity was reproduced to serve the political class(s)’s specific interests, 2 determining the linkages between the alienation of women from politics, the alienation of the revolution from its people, and the entire sphere of politics. The sphere of politics not only relates to political activism and conflict between revolutions and counterrevolutions, it is also a battlefield for the (re)production of knowledge