Kesiapan Sekolah Dalam Menerapkan Kurikulum Merdeka di Rote Ndao

Salah satu bentuk pembangunan pendidikan nasional adalah perubahan kurikulum. Perkembangan terakhir adalah kurikulum mandiri. Perubahan kurikulum ini ditengarai mengabaikan efisiensi maksimal siswa dalam  belajar. Oleh karena itu penelitian ini berfokus untuk mengkaji implementasi kurikulum otonom di SD GMIT Kabupaten Rote Barat. Metode yang digunakan adalah penelitian dengan menggunakan metode purposive sampling. Sumber yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah 30 responden. Berdasarkan hasil di atas dapat disimpulkan bahwa kesiapan sekolah untuk mengimplementasikan kurikulum mandiri di sekolah GMIT di Kecamatan Rote Ndao Kabupaten Rote  Barat berada pada level yang cukup siap beraksi. Hal ini disebabkan faktor sosialisasi yang masih kurang pemahaman guru, dukungan referensi dan persiapan kurikulum merdeka yang kurang

PELATIHAN PENELITIAN TINDAKAN KELAS DI SEKOLAH MENENGAH TEOLOGI KRISTEN WAIKABUBAK

Selection of research topics Classroom action is significant for teachers. Because as part of the duties and responsibilities of teachers. This is important to support the teacher's career path to a higher rank. CAR is vital for improving the learning process. The method of devotion uses qualitative. Teachers can understand and are enthusiastic about writing down the results of learning improvements. The teacher learns how to make articles found to work well. Assistance continues with communication via WhatsApp

COVID-19, asthma, and biological therapies: What we need to know

Managing patients with severe asthma during the coronavirus pandemic and COVID-19 is a challenge. Authorities and physicians are still learning how COVID-19 affects people with underlying diseases, and severe asthma is not an exception. Unless relevant data emerge that change our understanding of the relative safety of medications indicated in patients with asthma during this pandemic, clinicians must follow the recommendations of current evidence-based guidelines for preventing loss of control and exacerbations. Also, with the absence of data that would indicate any potential harm, current advice is to continue the administration of biological therapies during the COVID-19 pandemic in patients with asthma for whom such therapies are clearly indicated and have been effective. For patients with severe asthma infected by SARS-CoV- 2, the decision to maintain or postpone biological therapy until the patient recovers should be a case-by-case based decision supported by a multidisciplinary team. A registry of cases of COVID- 19 in patients with severe asthma, including those treated with biologics, will help to address a clinical challenge in which we have more questions than answers

The importance of allergic disease in public health: an iCAALL statement

Allergic diseases constitute a significant cause of morbidity worldwide and a considerable burden on the health and medical systems of both developed and emerging economies. Allergies and related diseases including asthma, rhinosinusitis, atopic dermatitis and life threatening food, drug, and stinging insect allergies affect at least 30% of the population and nearly 80% of families. According to recent studies, their prevalence is increasing globally [1–4]. Medical services providing expert allergy care are lacking in many countries; therefore, the major organizations devoted to the field of allergy (American Academy of Allergy, Asthma and Immunology, AAAAI; American College of Allergy, Asthma, and Immunology, ACAAI; European Academy of Allergy, Asthma and Clinical Immunology, EAACI; and the World Allergy Organization, WAO), strongly feel that education of health professionals and the public on the importance and impact of allergic diseases as a public health concern should be encouraged. The International Collaboration in Allergy, Asthma, and Immunology (iCAALL), a partnership constituted by AAAAI, ACAAI, EAACI, and WAO, have recommended publishing an advocacy statement with the purpose of calling to the attention of the medical community, health authorities and the public in general, the major impact and relevance of the allergy specialists as key groups of professionals specifically trained for the adequate diagnosis, treatment, and prevention of allergic diseases

Cabbage and fermented vegetables : From death rate heterogeneity in countries to candidates for mitigation strategies of severe COVID-19

Large differences in COVID-19 death rates exist between countries and between regions of the same country. Some very low death rate countries such as Eastern Asia, Central Europe, or the Balkans have a common feature of eating large quantities of fermented foods. Although biases exist when examining ecological studies, fermented vegetables or cabbage have been associated with low death rates in European countries. SARS-CoV-2 binds to its receptor, the angiotensin-converting enzyme 2 (ACE2). As a result of SARS-CoV-2 binding, ACE2 downregulation enhances the angiotensin II receptor type 1 (AT(1)R) axis associated with oxidative stress. This leads to insulin resistance as well as lung and endothelial damage, two severe outcomes of COVID-19. The nuclear factor (erythroid-derived 2)-like 2 (Nrf2) is the most potent antioxidant in humans and can block in particular the AT(1)R axis. Cabbage contains precursors of sulforaphane, the most active natural activator of Nrf2. Fermented vegetables contain many lactobacilli, which are also potent Nrf2 activators. Three examples are: kimchi in Korea, westernized foods, and the slum paradox. It is proposed that fermented cabbage is a proof-of-concept of dietary manipulations that may enhance Nrf2-associated antioxidant effects, helpful in mitigating COVID-19 severity.Peer reviewe

Nrf2-interacting nutrients and COVID-19 : time for research to develop adaptation strategies

There are large between- and within-country variations in COVID-19 death rates. Some very low death rate settings such as Eastern Asia, Central Europe, the Balkans and Africa have a common feature of eating large quantities of fermented foods whose intake is associated with the activation of the Nrf2 (Nuclear factor (erythroid-derived 2)-like 2) anti-oxidant transcription factor. There are many Nrf2-interacting nutrients (berberine, curcumin, epigallocatechin gallate, genistein, quercetin, resveratrol, sulforaphane) that all act similarly to reduce insulin resistance, endothelial damage, lung injury and cytokine storm. They also act on the same mechanisms (mTOR: Mammalian target of rapamycin, PPAR gamma:Peroxisome proliferator-activated receptor, NF kappa B: Nuclear factor kappa B, ERK: Extracellular signal-regulated kinases and eIF2 alpha:Elongation initiation factor 2 alpha). They may as a result be important in mitigating the severity of COVID-19, acting through the endoplasmic reticulum stress or ACE-Angiotensin-II-AT(1)R axis (AT(1)R) pathway. Many Nrf2-interacting nutrients are also interacting with TRPA1 and/or TRPV1. Interestingly, geographical areas with very low COVID-19 mortality are those with the lowest prevalence of obesity (Sub-Saharan Africa and Asia). It is tempting to propose that Nrf2-interacting foods and nutrients can re-balance insulin resistance and have a significant effect on COVID-19 severity. It is therefore possible that the intake of these foods may restore an optimal natural balance for the Nrf2 pathway and may be of interest in the mitigation of COVID-19 severity

Coalition formation and policymaking in parliamentary democracies

The majority of the world's advanced industrial democracies are parliamentary systems, and in most of those, coalition government is the norm. Thus, it is not surprising that understanding how coalition governments come about, and how they operate, has been a primary focus of comparative scholars. Until recently, most studies in this area focused primarily on the formation and dissolution of multiparty governments, rather than on the behavior of coalition partners between those events. Moreover, they adopted what was, in essence, an ``institutions-free'' approach to explaining coalition bargaining. Following the advent of ``new institutionalism'' in the 1980s, researchers began to consider the role of institutions in coalition politics more seriously, particularly with respect to coalition formation. Soon thereafter, scholars turned their attention to the policymaking process between the birth and death of coalitions. In these accounts, institutional structures at the executive and parliamentary levels play a central role. In this chapter, we survey key findings regarding the impact of institutions on coalition politics, focusing on government formation and the subsequent policymaking process

Replication data for: Wasting Time? The Impact of Ideology and Size on Delay in Coalition Formation

Coalition theory has a distinguished tradition in comparative politics. Beginning with William Riker’s The Theory of Political Coalitions,1 comparativists have made considerable theoretical and empirical progress in understanding the complexities of coalition politics, most significantly with respect to government formation and termination. Other important dimensions of coalition politics, however, remain virtually unexplored. We focus on one such neglected feature of coalition bargaining – the duration of negotiations preceding the establishment of a new cabinet. As Table 1 shows, there is significant variation in the amount of time required to establish coalitions across and within West European democracies. In Denmark and Sweden, for example, coalition negotiations usually conclude in about a week. In Austria, Belgium and Italy, establishing a new government takes on average more than a month. In the Netherlands, almost three months pass before a new coalition takes offic

Models of coalition politics: recent developments and new directions

Coalition bargaining is at the heart of politics in most parliamentary democracies. Given the prevalence of coalition governments, it is not surprising that understanding how they form, and how coalescing parties distribute the various spoils of office between them, has been a central research program in political science for several decades. This has led to the development of a rich tradition of formal, deductive models of coalition bargaining. We review theoretical developments in this literature resulting from the introduction of the "new institutionalism" in the 1990s. We argue that the models that have emerged can usefully be classied into those that adopt a non-cooperative game-theoretic framework and those that eschew strong assumptions about bargaining protocols and instead focus on background constraints that limit the viability of potential governments. We sketch the strengths and limitations of each approach, and point towards avenues for future theoretical development