Do Leader Evaluations (De)Mobilize Voter Turnout? Lessons From Presidential Elections in the United States

Do evaluations of presidential candidates in the US affect the level of voter turnout? Voters’ affections towards presidential candidates, we contend, can either stimulate or inhibit voter inclinations to turnout. Voters are more inclined to turn out when they have positive feelings towards the candidate with which they identify because they want “their” candidate to win. But citizens may also be more likely to vote when they dislike the candidate of the party with which they do not identify. In that case, voters are motivated to prevent the candidate from being elected. Utilizing the American National Election Studies data for 1968–2020, the analysis finds that the likelihood of voting is affected by (a) the degree to which voters’ affections towards the candidate differ from one another (having a clear‐cut choice between options) and (b) the nature of the affections (negative or positive) towards both in‐ and out‐party candidates

Race, Gender, and Affirmative Action Attitudes in American and Canadian Universities

Direct comparisons of American and Canadian faculty and students’ views concerning issues of race, gender, and affirmative action in higher education are rare. The 1999 North American Academic Study Survey provides a unique opportunity to analyze the role of national and positional factors in faculty and student attitudes towards race, gender, and affirmative action in the US and Canada. The findings indicate that national factors are more important than positional factors on many racial and affirmative-action issues. Differences between students and faculty are more pronounced than are cross-national variations on many gender-related issues.Rares sont les comparaisons directes entre l’opinion des corps professoral et étudiant des États-Unis et du Canada sur les problématiques liées à la nationalité, au sexe et à la discrimination positive dans l’enseignement supérieur. Le document 1999 North American Academic Study Survey donne l’occasion unique d’analyser le rôle des facteurs nationaux et socioculturels sur l’attitude des corps professoral et étudiant envers la nationalité, le sexe et la discrimination positive aux États-Unis et au Canada. Les résultats suggèrent que, pour plusieurs problématiques liées à la nationalité et à la discrimination positive, les facteurs nationaux sont plus importants que les facteurs socioculturels. Pour plusieurs problématiques liées au sexe, on observe des différences d’attitudes plus marquées entre le corps professoral et le corps étudiant d’un même pays que d’un pays à l’autre

North American Convergence, Revisited

This article revisits previous surveys regarding value changes in Canada, Mexico, and the United States. The earlier evaluation showed that a convergence of values among these North American nations was occurring. This most recent study confirms that trend in several areas (though national and regional distinctions remain), contradicting other predictions to the contrary. Whether one is afraid of change or is eager for it, this study indicates that all three North American countries are, inevitably, experiencing that change.Este artículo revisa encuestas previas sobre el cambio de valores en Canadá, México y Estados Unidos. La evaluación anterior había mostrado que existía una convergencia de valores entre estas tres naciones norteamericanas. Este estudio, más reciente, confirma que esa tendencia, aun con sus diferencias nacionales y regionales, se mantiene, lo que contradice las predicciones de que sucedería lo opuesto. Independientemente de si se teme o se desea que dicho cambio suceda, el estudio indica que los tres países de Norteamérica lo están experimentando de manera inevitable

L’élection fédérale de 1993 : le comportement électoral des Québécois

L’article examine la dynamique de la campagne ainsi que les facteurs qui ont influencé le vote chez trois blocs d’électeurs : les non-francophones, les francophones souverainistes et les francophones non souverainistes. L’analyse se fonde sur les données recueillies dans le cadre de l’Étude sur l’élection canadienne de 1993. On montre que la raison première du succès du Bloc québécois réside dans l’appui indéfectible que lui ont accordé les souverainistes. Le Bloc a également réussi à obtenir l’appui d’une fraction des non souverainistes les plus nationalistes, des jeunes qui étaient insatisfaits des partis traditionnels et de ceux dont la situation économique s’était détériorée. Finalement, le Bloc a profité de la popularité personnelle de Lucien Bouchard.The paper examines the dynamics of the campaign as well as the factors that influenced voting behavior among three blocs of voters: non francophones, francophone sovereignists, and francophone non sovereignists. The analysis is based on survey date collected by the 1993 Canadian Election Study. We show that the primary reason for the success of the Bloc québécois lies in the overwhelming support of the sovereignists. The Bloc was also able to get the support of a fraction of the most nationalist non sovereignists, of younger voters who were dissatisfied with traditional parties, and of those whose personal economic situation had deteriorated. Finally, the Bloc was helped by the personal popularity of its leader, Lucien Bouchard

Does compulsory voting increase support for leftist policy?

Citizens unequally participate in referendums, and this may systematically bias policy in favor of those who vote. Some view compulsory voting as an important tool to alleviate this problem, whereas others worry about its detrimental effects on the legitimacy and quality of democratic decision making. So far, however, we lack systematic knowledge about the causal effect of compulsory voting on public policy. We argue that sanctioned compulsory voting mobilizes citizens at the bottom of the income distribution and that this translates into an increase in support for leftist policies. We empirically explore the effects of a sanctioned compulsory voting law on direct-democratic decision making in Switzerland. We find that compulsory voting significantly increases electoral support for leftist policy positions in referendums by up to 20 percentage points. We discuss the implications of these results for our understanding of the policy consequences of electoral institutions

The Forgotten Side of Partisanship: Negative Party Identification in Four Anglo-American Democracies

Early studies of electoral behavior proposed that party identification could be negative as well as positive. Over time, though, the concept became mostly understood as a positive construct. The few studies that took negative identification into account tended to portray it as a marginal factor that went “hand-in-hand” with positive preferences. Recent scholarship in psychology reaffirms, however, that negative evaluations are not simply the bipolar opposite of positive ones. This article considers negative party identification from this standpoint, and evaluates its impact in recent national elections in Australia, Canada, New Zealand, and the United States. Our findings highlight the autonomous power of negative partisanship. They indicate as well that ideology has an influence on both positive and negative partisan identification

Introduction: Rethinking democratization and election observation

This book brings together studies on the broad theme of elections and democratization in Africa since roughly 1989. It is based on a seminar held in The Netherlands in February 1997, and includes chapters on both electoral processes, especially the role of foreign observers therein, and the historical and sociocultural backgrounds or contexts of democratization, elections and political legitimacy. Part 1 deals with elections and election observation in Africa in general (contributions by O. van Cranenburgh, S. Ellis, I. van Kessel, B. de Gaay Fortman). Part 2 consists of country studies (M. Doornbos on Uganda, D. Foeken en T. Dietz on Kenya, J. Abbink on Ethiopia, R. van Dijk on Malawi, R. Buijtenhuijs on Chad, and M.-F. Lange on Mali). Part 3 includes a chapter that reflects the discussions held at the seminar between observers, academics and policymakers in the Netherlands Ministry of Foreign Affairs (W. van Binsbergen en J. Abbink); a review of Dutch policies on election observation in Africa during the period 1992-1997 (O. van Cranenburgh); and a discussion of the 1997 general elections in Kenya, where a new approach of election observation was introduced (M. Rutten)ASC – Publicaties niet-programma gebonde

Secret worlds, democratization and election observation in Malawi

ASC – Publicaties niet-programma gebonde