Visible Minority Women In Mainstream Advertising: Distorted Mirror Or Looking Glass?

This paper updates a previous study on visible minority women in advertising. A content analysis of advertisements in Maclean's between 1984-1994 yields a mixed message. Although visible minority women are no longer under represented in terms of numbers, they continue to be misrepresented with respect to product associations and role placement.Cet article met si jour une etude anterieure sur les femmes de minority visible dans la publicitd. Une analyse du contenu des annonces publicitaires dans Maclean s entre 1984 et 1995 donne un message contradictoire. Quoique les femmes de minority visible ne soient plus sous-representees, quand on parle de nombre, elles sont encore presentees sous un faux jour en ce qui concerne les produits avec lesquels on les associe, et les roles qu'on leur attribue

Disciplining dissent: multicultural policy and the silencing of Arab-Canadians

This article examines two cases of state funding cuts to the most prominent and active Arab community organisations operating in Canada, the Canadian Arab Federation and Palestine House. It contextualises the cuts within broader ‘crisis of multiculturalism’ debates imbued with anti-Arab/anti-Muslim racism and the silencing of Palestine advocacy efforts; arguing that the shift to a neoliberal multiculturalism, emptied of anti-racist politics, along with the construction of national identities around a set of western ‘core values’ has advanced a marginalising politics that demarcates a ‘civilisational’ border which excludes Arabs, Muslims, and by extension Palestine solidarity. Curtailing freedom of expression, partly through funding cuts, thus becomes a key mechanism for disciplining dissent in racialised communities

Citizens and Citizenship The Rhetoric of Dutch Immigrant Integration Policy in 2011

The past generation has seen a switch to restrictive policies and language in the governance of migrants living in the Netherlands. Beginning in 2010, a new government with right-wing populist backing went further, declaring the centrality of proposed characteristic historic Dutch values. In this article, we investigate a key policy document to characterize and understand this policy change. Discourse analysis as an exploration of language choices, including use of ideas from rhetoric, helps us apply and test ideas from governmentality studies of migration and from discourse studies as social theorizing. We trace the chosen problem formulation; the delineation, naming, and predication of population categories; the understanding of citizenship, community, and integration; and the overall rhetoric, including chosen metaphors and nuancing of emphases, that links the elements into a meaning-rich world picture. A “neoliberal communitarian” conception of citizenship has emerged that could unfortunately subject many immigrants to marginalization and exclusion

Being Explicit about Culture: Māori, Neoliberalism, and the New Zealand Parliament

In this article, I explore how people use the culture concept in legislatures to understand the minorities they legislate for and about. I focus on recent debates in the New Zealand parliament over whether the indigenous Ma¯ ori are a cultural group or a racial group. A Westminster parliament system encourages these debates, in which political parties argue that Ma¯ ori are either cultural or racial but not both. For the ruling Labour Party and its allies, Ma¯ ori are cultural; for their opposition, the National Party and its allies, Ma¯ ori are a racial group. This division is possible only because of the legislators’ neoliberal assumptions about identity categories. To complicate these political divisions, Ma¯ ori MPs currently belong to political parties from all parts of the political spectrum, and their effectiveness as culture bearers in a parliamentary context can disrupt the terms of this debate

\u27Struggling with Language\u27 : Indigenous movements for Linguistic Security and the Politics of Local Community

In this article, I explore the relationship between linguistic diversity and political power. Specifically, I outline some of the ways that linguistic diversity has served as a barrier to the centralization of power, thus constraining, for example, the political practice of empire-formation. A brief historical example of this dynamic is presented in the case of Spanish colonialism of the 16th-century. The article proceeds then to demonstrate how linguistic diversity remains tied to struggles against forms of domination. I argue that in contemporary indigenous movements for linguistic security, the languages themselves are not merely conceived of as the object of the political struggle, but also as the means to preserve a space for local action and deliberation – a ‘politics of local community’. I show that linguistic diversity and the devolution of political power to the local level are in a mutually reinforcing relationship. Finally, I consider the implications of this thesis for liberal theorizing on language rights, arguing that such theory cannot fully come to terms with this political-strategic dimension of language struggles

Tense and the other: temporality and urban multiculture in Auckland, Aotearoa, New Zealand

Expressions of concern about the national future, or the surfacing of history through postcolonial melancholia and nostalgia for a lost Golden Age, illustrate how temporality and tense have been absorbed into discourses, affective attachments and practices of cultural recognition and national belonging. First, this paper aims to develop the discussion of urban multiculture in human geography in an original direction through a theoretically‐driven argument for the significance of social divisions of tense. It contributes new knowledge about the availability of this discursive field when the issue of cultural recognition arises. Second, through considering the relational dynamics between settler, Indigenous and exogenous peoples together, the paper ties together debate on migration and ethnicity with indigeneity and colonialism. Third, the paper emphasises the importance of careful attention to local histories, contexts and oppressions when researching conviviality and multiculture in a settler colonial context. The analysis draws on 12 months of qualitative research with first‐generation British migrants in Auckland, Aotearoa New Zealand to examine several illustrative encounters of British migrants with Māori, the Indigenous peoples, and exogenous alterity, a term used to refer to migrants and racialised citizens deemed ‘foreign’

Multicultural Media in a Post-Multicultural Canada? Rethinking Integration

This paper addresses the post-multicultural challenges that confront the integrative logic of Canada’s multicultural media. Multicultural (or ethnic) media once complemented the integrative agenda of Canada’s official multiculturalism, but the drift toward a post-multicultural Canada points to the possibility of a post-multicultural media that capitalizes on the positive aspects of multicultural media. The argument is predicated on the following assumption: an evolving context that no longer is multicultural but increasingly transnational, multiversal, and post-ethnic exposes the shortcomings of a multicultural media when applied to the lived-realities of those who resent being boxed into ethnic silos that gloss over multiple connections and multidimensional crossings. According to this line of argument, both diversity governance and ethnic media must reinvent themselves along more post-multicultural lines to better engage the transnational challenges and multiversal demands of a post-multicultural turn. Time will tell if a post-multicultural media can incorporate the strengths of a multicultural media, yet move positively forward in capturing the nuances of complex diversities and diverse complexities. Evidence would suggest “yes”, and that a post-multicultural media may well represent an ideal that reflects and reinforces the new integrative realities of a post-ethnic Canada