Twitter, partisan use and institutional use: Comparative analysis between the profiles of Moncloa, Madrid City Council and their ruling parties

This paper seeks to compare and analyse the differences in the use of Twitter that, Partido Popular, as a traditional political party, and Ahora Madrid, as a new political party, make of the institutional channels for the public institutions that they administer. In addition, the present study analyses three different periods in the electoral process: the pre-campaign, campaign and post-campaign during the Spanish general elections of December 20th, 2015 in order to see if the election periods caused changes in their communications on Twitter. The sample consists of four cases divided into two groups for content analysis. On one hand, the Government’s Twitter profile (@desdelamoncloa) and of its ruling party, Partido Popular (@ppopular), comprise the old political group, while the Madrid City Council (@Madrid) and its ruling party, Ahora Madrid (@AhoraMadrid), are integrated into the new political group. Additionally, word clouds provide a visual representation of the main terms used by each group. The study results show which group uses and better leverages Twitter’s potential, in that Partido Popular and Moncloa have clearer differences between party and institutional channels, while Ahora Madrid and the Madrid City Council do not seem to be as clear about the difference between the two concepts and use the party channel as the city council channel. However, the results demonstrate that the new political profile leverages Twitter’s potential more.El presente trabajo analiza las diferencias de uso de Twitter por parte de dos partidos políticos españoles, Partido Popular, como partido tradicional, y Ahora Madrid, como nuevo partido, así como la utilización de los canales institucionales de los entes públicos que estos partidos presiden a nivel nacional y local, respectivamente. Los resultados muestran usos y aprovechamientos diferentes de las potencialidades de Twitter. El estudio se realizó en tres periodos electorales diferenciados: precampaña, campaña y post-campaña de las elecciones generales del 20 de diciembre de 2015, para examinar también cambios de comportamiento en la comunicación en Twitter en el periodo electoral. La muestra consta de cuatro casos divididos en dos grupos para el análisis de contenido. Por un lado, el perfil en Twitter del Gobierno (@desdelamoncloa) y el del partido gobernante, el Partido Popular (@ppopular) constituyen el grupo de la vieja política. Por otro lado, el Ayuntamiento de Madrid (@madrid) y su partido gobernante, Ahora Madrid (@AhoraMadrid), se integran dentro del grupo de nueva política. Además, unas nubes de palabras presentarán visualmente las principales ideas enviadas por los perfiles. Los resultados indican que Partido Popular y Moncloa mantuvieron un uso diferenciado entre los canales de partido y los institucionales, mientras que en el caso de Ahora Madrid y el Ayuntamiento de Madrid se constataron usos concluyentes y no diferenciados entre el canal del partido y el institucional. Además, se observa que los perfiles de la nueva política aprovechan más las potencialidades de Twitter

Empoderamiento de los jóvenes a través de las redes sociales. Construcción de una ciudadanía digital comprometida

La búsqueda de la implicación y la participación ciudadana en el desarrollo de un sistema social no es un fenómeno nuevo o que haya surgido con la comunicación digital. Sin embargo, las redes sociales y los entornos virtuales están transformando el modo en el que los individuos, y especialmente los jóvenes, se sienten llamados a la acción. La investigación cuantitativa mediante encuestas que se presenta aquí analiza cómo los jóvenes emplean herramientas online y offline para dar a conocer y apoyar las “causas 2.0”. La comunicación digital puede facilitar la cooperación y solidaridad ante determinadas iniciativas sociales que demandan esa movilización activa. Sin embargo, esa ventaja competitiva que puede ofrecer la tecnología se encuentra influenciada por múltiples variables (empatía, proximidad, identificación con la causa…). Resulta imprescindible saber qué es lo que quieren los jóvenes y cuál es el modo de captar su atención para lograr ese compromiso social. Los resultados de este trabajo parecen indicar que lo que moviliza a los jóvenes a la hora de participar en alguna acción solidaria son los aspectos puramente racionales y emocionales, dejando más de lado la propia creatividad de la campaña, la organización que impulsa la acción o la presencia de prescriptores famosos o influenciadores. Prefieren la esencia de las propias acciones sociales.Ensuring citizen involvement and participation in the development of a social system is not a new phenomenon, nor has it emerged with digital communication. However, social networks and virtual environments are transforming the way in which individuals, especially young people, are called to action. This quantitative research paper analyzes how young people use online and offline tools to publicize and support "2.0 causes". Digital communication can facilitate cooperation and solidarity toward certain social initiatives that require active mobilization. However, the competitive advantage that technology can offer is greatly influenced by numerous variables (empathy, closeness, identification with the cause, etc.). It is essential to become familiar with the desires of young people and to find the best ways to gain their attention in order to help them achieve their goals of social commitment. The results of this research suggest that the factors mobilizing young people when they participate in solidarity movements are purely rational and emotional, with less emphasis being placed on the creativity of the campaign, the organization that promotes the action, or the presence of famous prescribers or influencers. They prefer the essential qualities of social activism in itself

Differential clinical characteristics and prognosis of intraventricular conduction defects in patients with chronic heart failure

Intraventricular conduction defects (IVCDs) can impair prognosis of heart failure (HF), but their specific impact is not well established. This study aimed to analyse the clinical profile and outcomes of HF patients with LBBB, right bundle branch block (RBBB), left anterior fascicular block (LAFB), and no IVCDs. Clinical variables and outcomes after a median follow-up of 21 months were analysed in 1762 patients with chronic HF and LBBB (n = 532), RBBB (n = 134), LAFB (n = 154), and no IVCDs (n = 942). LBBB was associated with more marked LV dilation, depressed LVEF, and mitral valve regurgitation. Patients with RBBB presented overt signs of congestive HF and depressed right ventricular motion. The LAFB group presented intermediate clinical characteristics, and patients with no IVCDs were more often women with less enlarged left ventricles and less depressed LVEF. Death occurred in 332 patients (interannual mortality = 10.8%): cardiovascular in 257, extravascular in 61, and of unknown origin in 14 patients. Cardiac death occurred in 230 (pump failure in 171 and sudden death in 59). An adjusted Cox model showed higher risk of cardiac death and pump failure death in the LBBB and RBBB than in the LAFB and the no IVCD groups. LBBB and RBBB are associated with different clinical profiles and both are independent predictors of increased risk of cardiac death in patients with HF. A more favourable prognosis was observed in patients with LAFB and in those free of IVCDs. Further research in HF patients with RBBB is warranted

Twitter, partisan use and institutional use: Comparative analysis between the profiles of Moncloa, Madrid City Council and their ruling parties

This paper seeks to compare and analyse the differences in the use of Twitter that, Partido Popular, as a traditional political party, and Ahora Madrid, as a new political party, make of the institutional channels for the public institutions that they administer. In addition, the present study analyses three different periods in the electoral process: the pre-campaign, campaign and post-campaign during the Spanish general elections of December 20th, 2015 in order to see if the election periods caused changes in their communications on Twitter. The sample consists of four cases divided into two groups for content analysis. On one hand, the Government’s Twitter profile (@desdelamoncloa) and of its ruling party, Partido Popular (@ppopular), comprise the old political group, while the Madrid City Council (@Madrid) and its ruling party, Ahora Madrid (@AhoraMadrid), are integrated into the new political group. Additionally, word clouds provide a visual representation of the main terms used by each group. The study results show which group uses and better leverages Twitter’s potential, in that Partido Popular and Moncloa have clearer differences between party and institutional channels, while Ahora Madrid and the Madrid City Council do not seem to be as clear about the difference between the two concepts and use the party channel as the city council channel. However, the results demonstrate that the new political profile leverages Twitter’s potential more.El presente trabajo analiza las diferencias de uso de Twitter por parte de dos partidos políticos españoles, Partido Popular, como partido tradicional, y Ahora Madrid, como nuevo partido, así como la utilización de los canales institucionales de los entes públicos que estos partidos presiden a nivel nacional y local, respectivamente. Los resultados muestran usos y aprovechamientos diferentes de las potencialidades de Twitter. El estudio se realizó en tres periodos electorales diferenciados: precampaña, campaña y post-campaña de las elecciones generales del 20 de diciembre de 2015, para examinar también cambios de comportamiento en la comunicación en Twitter en el periodo electoral. La muestra consta de cuatro casos divididos en dos grupos para el análisis de contenido. Por un lado, el perfil en Twitter del Gobierno (@desdelamoncloa) y el del partido gobernante, el Partido Popular (@ppopular) constituyen el grupo de la vieja política. Por otro lado, el Ayuntamiento de Madrid (@madrid) y su partido gobernante, Ahora Madrid (@AhoraMadrid), se integran dentro del grupo de nueva política. Además, unas nubes de palabras presentarán visualmente las principales ideas enviadas por los perfiles. Los resultados indican que Partido Popular y Moncloa mantuvieron un uso diferenciado entre los canales de partido y los institucionales, mientras que en el caso de Ahora Madrid y el Ayuntamiento de Madrid se constataron usos concluyentes y no diferenciados entre el canal del partido y el institucional. Además, se observa que los perfiles de la nueva política aprovechan más las potencialidades de Twitter

Impact of the implementation of best practice guidelines on nurse's evidence-based practice and on nurses' work environment: research protocol

Aim: To determine the impact of the Best Practice Spotlight Organization® initiative on nurses' perception of their work environment and their attitudes to evidence-based practice. Design: Quasi-experimental, multicentre study. The intervention is the participation in Best Prectice Spotilight Organizations to implement Best Practice Guidelines. Methods: The study will include seven centres in the interventional group and 10 in the non-equivalent control group, all of them belonging to the Spanish national health system. The Practice Environment Scale of the Nursing Work Index, and the Health Sciences Evidence-Based Practice Questionnaire will be administered to a sample of 1,572 nurses at the beginning of the programme and at 1 year. This 3-year study started in April 2018 and will continue until December 2021. Statistical analyses will be carried out using the SPSS 25.0. This project was approved by the Drug Research Ethics Committee of the Parc de Salut Mar and registered in Clinical Trials. Discussion: The study findings will show the current state of nurses' perception of their work environment and attitudes to evidence-based practice, and possible changes in these parameters due to the programme. Impact: The findings could provide a strong argument for health policymakers to scale up the Best Practice Spotlight Organization® initiative in the Spanish national health system

Differential clinical characteristics and prognosis of intraventricular conduction defects in patients with chronic heart failure

Intraventricular conduction defects (IVCDs) can impair prognosis of heart failure (HF), but their specific impact is not well established. This study aimed to analyse the clinical profile and outcomes of HF patients with LBBB, right bundle branch block (RBBB), left anterior fascicular block (LAFB), and no IVCDs. Clinical variables and outcomes after a median follow-up of 21 months were analysed in 1762 patients with chronic HF and LBBB (n = 532), RBBB (n = 134), LAFB (n = 154), and no IVCDs (n = 942). LBBB was associated with more marked LV dilation, depressed LVEF, and mitral valve regurgitation. Patients with RBBB presented overt signs of congestive HF and depressed right ventricular motion. The LAFB group presented intermediate clinical characteristics, and patients with no IVCDs were more often women with less enlarged left ventricles and less depressed LVEF. Death occurred in 332 patients (interannual mortality = 10.8%): cardiovascular in 257, extravascular in 61, and of unknown origin in 14 patients. Cardiac death occurred in 230 (pump failure in 171 and sudden death in 59). An adjusted Cox model showed higher risk of cardiac death and pump failure death in the LBBB and RBBB than in the LAFB and the no IVCD groups. LBBB and RBBB are associated with different clinical profiles and both are independent predictors of increased risk of cardiac death in patients with HF. A more favourable prognosis was observed in patients with LAFB and in those free of IVCDs. Further research in HF patients with RBBB is warranted