Heterogeneity of pollen food allergy syndrome in seven Southern European countries: The @IT.2020 multicenter study

Background Pollen food allergy syndrome (PFAS) is a frequently underdiagnosed disease due to diverse triggers, clinical presentations, and test results. This is especially relevant in geographic areas with a broad spectrum of pollen sensitization, such as Southern Europe. Objectives To elucidate similarities and differences of PFAS in nine Southern European centers and identify associated characteristics and unique markers of PFAS. Methods As part of the @IT.2020 Multicenter Study, 815 patients with seasonal allergic rhinitis (SAR), aged 10-60 years, were recruited in seven countries. They completed questionnaires regarding SAR, comorbidities, family history, and PFAS, and underwent skin prick testing (SPT) and serum IgE testing. Results Of the 815 patients, 167 (20.5%) reported PFAS reactions. Most commonly, eliciting foods were kiwi (58, 34.7%), peach (43, 25.7%), and melon (26, 15.6%). Reported reactions were mostly local (216/319, 67.7%), occurring within 5 min of contact with elicitors (209/319, 65.5%). Associated characteristics included positive IgE to at least one panallergen (profilin, PR-10, or nsLTP) (p = 0.007), maternal PFAS (OR: 3.716, p = 0.026), and asthma (OR: 1.752, p = 0.073). Between centers, heterogeneity in prevalence (Marseille: 7.5% vs. Rome: 41.4%, p < 0.001) and of clinical characteristics was apparent. Cypress played a limited role, with only 1/22 SPT mono-sensitized patients reporting a food reaction (p < 0.073). Conclusions PFAS is a frequent comorbidity in Southern European SAR patients. Significant heterogeneity of clinical characteristics in PFAS patients among the centers was observed and may be related to the different pollen sensitization patterns in each geographic area. IgE to panallergen(s), maternal PFAS, and asthma could be PFAS-associated characteristics

“Whole” vs. “fragmented” approach to EAACI pollen season definitions: A multicenter study in six Southern European cities

Background: The adequate definition of pollen seasons is essential to facilitate a correct diagnosis, treatment choice, and outcome assessment in patients with seasonal allergic rhinitis. A position paper by the European Academy of Allergy and Clinical Immunology (EAACI) proposed season definitions for Northern and Middle Europe. Objective: To test the pollen season definitions proposed by EAACI in six Mediterranean cities for seven pollen taxa. Methods: As part of the @IT.2020 multi-center study, pollen counts for Poaceae, Oleaceae, Fagales, Cupressaceae, Urticaceae (Parietaria spp.), and Compositae (Ambrosia spp., Artemisia spp.) were collected from January 1 to December 31, 2018. Based on these data, pollen seasons were identified according to EAACI criteria. A unified monitoring period for patients in AIT trials was created and assessed for feasibility. Results: The analysis revealed a great heterogeneity between the different locations in terms of pattern and length of the examined pollen seasons. Further, we found a fragmentation of pollen seasons in several segments (max. 8) separated by periods of low pollen counts (intercurrent periods). Potential monitoring periods included often many recording days with low pollen exposure (max. 341 days). Conclusion: The Mediterranean climate leads to challenging pollen exposure times. Monitoring periods for AIT trials based on existing definitions may include many intermittent days with low pollen concentrations. Therefore, it is necessary to find an adapted pollen season definition as individual solution for each pollen and geographical area

Managing food allergy:GA²LEN guideline 2022

Food allergy affects approximately 2–4% of children and adults. This guideline provides recommendations for managing food allergy from the Global Allergy and Asthma European Network (GA2LEN). A multidisciplinary international Task Force developed the guideline using the Appraisal of Guidelines for Research and Evaluation (AGREE) II framework and the Grading of Recommendations, Assessment, Development and Evaluations (GRADE) approach. We reviewed the latest available evidence as of April 2021 (161 studies) and created recommendations by balancing benefits, harms, feasibility, and patient and clinician experiences. We suggest that people diagnosed with food allergy avoid triggering allergens (low certainty evidence). We suggest that infants with cow's milk allergy who need a breastmilk alternative use either hypoallergenic extensively hydrolyzed cow's milk formula or an amino acid-based formula (moderate certainty). For selected children with peanut allergy, we recommend oral immunotherapy (high certainty), though epicutaneous immunotherapy might be considered depending on individual preferences and availability (moderate certainty). We suggest considering oral immunotherapy for children with persistent severe hen's egg or cow's milk allergy (moderate certainty). There are significant gaps in evidence about safety and effectiveness of the various strategies. Research is needed to determine the best approaches to education, how to predict the risk of severe reactions, whether immunotherapy is cost-effective and whether biological therapies are effective alone or combined with allergen immunotherapy

Proposal of 0.5 mg of protein/100 g of processed food as threshold for voluntary declaration of food allergen traces in processed food-A first step in an initiative to better inform patients and avoid fatal allergic reactions : A GA(2)LEN position paper

Background Food anaphylaxis is commonly elicited by unintentional ingestion of foods containing the allergen above the tolerance threshold level of the individual. While labeling the 14 main allergens used as ingredients in food products is mandatory in the EU, there is no legal definition of declaring potential contaminants. Precautionary allergen labeling such as "may contain traces of" is often used. However, this is unsatisfactory for consumers as they get no information if the contamination is below their personal threshold. In discussions with the food industry and technologists, it was suggested to use a voluntary declaration indicating that all declared contaminants are below a threshold of 0.5 mg protein per 100 g of food. This concentration is known to be below the threshold of most patients, and it can be technically guaranteed in most food production. However, it was also important to assess that in case of accidental ingestion of contaminants below this threshold by highly allergic patients, no fatal anaphylactic reaction could occur. Therefore, we performed a systematic review to assess whether a fatal reaction to 5mg of protein or less has been reported, assuming that a maximum portion size of 1kg of a processed food exceeds any meal and thus gives a sufficient safety margin. Methods MEDLINE and EMBASE were searched until 24 January 2021 for provocation studies and case reports in which one of the 14 major food allergens was reported to elicit fatal or life-threatening anaphylactic reactions and assessed if these occurred below the ingestion of 5mg of protein. A Delphi process was performed to obtain an expert consensus on the results. Results In the 210 studies included, in our search, no reports of fatal anaphylactic reactions reported below 5 mg protein ingested were identified. However, in provocation studies and case reports, severe reactions below 5 mg were reported for the following allergens: eggs, fish, lupin, milk, nuts, peanuts, soy, and sesame seeds. Conclusion Based on the literature studied for this review, it can be stated that cross-contamination of the 14 major food allergens below 0.5 mg/100 g is likely not to endanger most food allergic patients when a standard portion of food is consumed. We propose to use the statement "this product contains the named allergens in the list of ingredients, it may contain traces of other contaminations (to be named, e.g. nut) at concentrations less than 0.5 mg per 100 g of this product" for a voluntary declaration on processed food packages. This level of avoidance of cross-contaminations can be achieved technically for most processed foods, and the statement would be a clear and helpful message to the consumers. However, it is clearly acknowledged that a voluntary declaration is only a first step to a legally binding solution. For this, further research on threshold levels is encouraged.Peer reviewe

Proposal of 0.5 mg of protein/100 g of processed food as threshold for voluntary declaration of food allergen traces in processed food—A first step in an initiative to better inform patients and avoid fatal allergic reactions: A GA²LEN position paper

Background: Food anaphylaxis is commonly elicited by unintentional ingestion of foods containing the allergen above the tolerance threshold level of the individual. While labeling the 14 main allergens used as ingredients in food products is mandatory in the EU, there is no legal definition of declaring potential contaminants. Precautionary allergen labeling such as "may contain traces of" is often used. However, this is unsatisfactory for consumers as they get no information if the contamination is below their personal threshold. In discussions with the food industry and technologists, it was suggested to use a voluntary declaration indicating that all declared contaminants are below a threshold of 0.5 mg protein per 100 g of food. This concentration is known to be below the threshold of most patients, and it can be technically guaranteed in most food production. However, it was also important to assess that in case of accidental ingestion of contaminants below this threshold by highly allergic patients, no fatal anaphylactic reaction could occur. Therefore, we performed a systematic review to assess whether a fatal reaction to 5mg of protein or less has been reported, assuming that a maximum portion size of 1kg of a processed food exceeds any meal and thus gives a sufficient safety margin. Methods: MEDLINE and EMBASE were searched until 24 January 2021 for provocation studies and case reports in which one of the 14 major food allergens was reported to elicit fatal or life-threatening anaphylactic reactions and assessed if these occurred below the ingestion of 5mg of protein. A Delphi process was performed to obtain an expert consensus on the results. Results: In the 210 studies included, in our search, no reports of fatal anaphylactic reactions reported below 5 mg protein ingested were identified. However, in provocation studies and case reports, severe reactions below 5 mg were reported for the following allergens: eggs, fish, lupin, milk, nuts, peanuts, soy, and sesame seeds. Conclusion: Based on the literature studied for this review, it can be stated that cross-contamination of the 14 major food allergens below 0.5 mg/100 g is likely not to endanger most food allergic patients when a standard portion of food is consumed. We propose to use the statement "this product contains the named allergens in the list of ingredients, it may contain traces of other contaminations (to be named, e.g. nut) at concentrations less than 0.5 mg per 100 g of this product" for a voluntary declaration on processed food packages. This level of avoidance of cross-contaminations can be achieved technically for most processed foods, and the statement would be a clear and helpful message to the consumers. However, it is clearly acknowledged that a voluntary declaration is only a first step to a legally binding solution. For this, further research on threshold levels is encouraged

Costituzione: quale riforma? La proposta del Governo e la possibile alternativa

Il paper muove dalla premessa che esistono ragioni che giustificano una riforma della forma di governo italiana. Esse richiederebbero la disponibilità di tutti a ragionevoli compromessi, fermo restando il limite invalicabile del rispetto dei principi e degli istituti che, come la divisione dei poteri, l’indipendenza della magistratura, il ruolo e i poteri delle istituzioni di garanzia, garantiscono le libertà e i diritti dei cittadini, la tutela delle minoranze e la struttura democratica dell’ordinamento. Si tratta, essenzialmente, di due ragioni, connesse alla necessità di rendere il nostro sistema istituzionale capace di affrontare le sfide del mondo di oggi: da un lato occorre risolvere il problema della instabilità dei Governi, dall’altro lato si tratta di ripristinare la rappresentatività delle istituzioni democratiche e riattivare o reinventare strumenti di partecipazione che assicurino un effettivo consenso intorno alle scelte politiche adottate e una collaborazione diffusa nella loro attuazione. Sulla base di questa premessa, il Paper si articola in due Parti. Nella prima si passano in rassegna le diverse forme di governo offerte dal panorama internazionale che prevedono l’elezione diretta del vertice dell’esecutivo, raffrontandole con la proposta presenta dal Governo Meloni. Se ne trae un giudizio negativo e si propone un diverso approccio, più conforme alla tradizione costituzionale italiana. Nella seconda parte, sulla base di tale approccio, si formula una proposta alternativa, capace di rispondere più efficacemente alle necessità di riforma che il nostro sistema manifesta. In particolare, nella prima parte, la rassegna delle forme di governo con elezione diretta del vertice dell’esecutivo (Cap. 2) mette in luce due caratteri costanti. Si tratta di forme di governo che non risolvono necessariamente il tema della stabilità dell’azione di governo, perché possono sempre produrre una dualità di indirizzi politici tra il vertice dell’esecutivo e gli organi legislativi, e che non sembrano particolarmente adatte a un sistema politico molto frammentato e anche polarizzato come quello italiano (ma, negli ultimi tempi, non solo). In ogni caso, in tutte queste esperienze straniere, esistono sistemi di separazione dei poteri, che, a fronte dell’elezione diretta del vertice dell’esecutivo, offrono un articolato sistema di checks and balances, come l’elezione sempre autonoma e separata del Parlamento, nonché limitazioni del potere di scioglimento delle Camere. È privo di queste caratteristiche, invece, il sistema italiano di elezione dei Sindaci, che, non a caso, non è adottato a livello statale da nessuna democrazia consolidata, e che, se trasposta a livello nazionale, sembra estraneo alla tradizione del costituzionalismo liberale e democratico. In quel sistema, infatti, l’elezione dell’organo rappresentativo è una derivata dell’elezione del vertice dell’esecutivo, dal quale dipende anche per la sua permanenza in carica. Nel Cap. 3 si constata che il Progetto del Governo Meloni sembra ispirarsi proprio a quest’ultimo modello. In effetti si propone l’elezione diretta del Presidente del Consiglio con la conseguente composizione, costituzionalmente obbligata, delle Camere nel senso che in entrambe deve essere assicurata una maggioranza del 55% dei seggi a favore di parlamentari collegati al Presidente del Consiglio eletto. Sulla base del progetto, invero, si consente, per una volta, che il Presidente del Consiglio scelto dagli elettori sia sostituito da un parlamentare eletto nelle sue file per attuare il programma enunciato dal Presidente eletto. È una soluzione – si consenta – bizzarra, che comunque non consente di distaccare sostanzialmente il modello proposto da quello della elezione diretta dei Sindaci, già giudicato incompatibile con i principi supremi se trasposto a livello statale. Infatti, la crisi del secondo Governo della legislatura, nella proposta governativa, produrrebbe l’automatico scioglimento delle Camere. La riforma proposta, pertanto, produrrebbe un ulteriore indebolimento del Parlamento, composto “a rimorchio” del Premier con un premio di maggioranza senza soglia e dunque distorsivo della volontà popolare in misura potenzialmente illimitata. Inoltre, a fronte dell’elezione popolare diretta del Presidente del Consiglio, diversamente dagli esempi offerti dal diritto comparato, non prevede alcuno dei checks and balances necessari e anzi finisce persino per indebolire la funzione di garanzia del Capo dello Stato. Senza quei “freni e contrappesi”, la riforma finisce quindi per oltrepassare quei limiti che rendono l’elezione diretta compatibile con i principi dello Stato democratico e di diritto che la Corte costituzionale ha ritenuto immodificabili. Nel Cap. 4, invece, si offre una prospettiva di riforma completamente diversa: le ragioni a giustificazione di una riforma degli assetti istituzionali non richiedono di stravolgere le linee fondamentali della forma di governo parlamentare delineata dalla Costituzione. Se proprio, si tratta di completare quel disegno, nel senso di sviluppare alcuni spunti di razionalizzazione che il costituente aveva già fornito nel 1947. Sulla base della conclusione del Cap. 4, la seconda parte del lavoro offre la proposta di Astrid per la riforma delle istituzioni, che suggerisci non eversivi a livello costituzionale ma più pervasivi e completi a livello legislativo. Nel Cap. 5 si afferma l’utilità di riformare la nostra forma di governo, mentendone il carattere parlamentare ma proponendone una razionalizzazione sulla base dell’esperienza costituzionale tedesca. Si tratterebbe di introdurre l’istituto della sfiducia costruttiva, in modo da stabilizzare il governo, originariamente eletto in sede parlamentare. Il meccanismo, infatti, rende impossibile mettere in crisi l’esecutivo se non attraverso una mozione di sfiducia costruttiva, che richiede la formazione di una nuova maggioranza che individui un nuovo Presidente del Consiglio. In caso di dimissioni volontarie del Presidente del Consiglio o di reiezione di una questione di fiducia, il Parlamento dovrebbe essere automaticamente sciolto a meno che, entro un termine predeterminato (21 giorni in Germania), il Parlamento non dia luogo a una nuova “maggioranza costruttiva” eleggendo un nuovo Presidente del Consiglio. È un meccanismo che rafforza la stabilità del Governo senza incidere sulla centralità del Parlamento, che è sempre in grado di imporsi all’esecutivo, a condizione però, che sia capace di esprimere una “maggioranza costruttiva”. L’assetto bicamerale del nostro Parlamento, che, in questa sede, non si ritiene di dover modificare, richiede qualche adattamento rispetto al modello tedesco, a partire dall’individuazione delle Camere in seduta comune come luogo della relazione fiduciaria Parlamento Governo. Dell’esperienza tedesca, poi, dovrebbe mantenersi il potenziamento della figura del Presidente del Consiglio, a partire dal riconoscimento del potere di nominare e revocare i ministri. Nel Cap. 6 si affronta quindi il tema del rafforzamento del ruolo del Parlamento, che giace già ora in una condizione di forte delegittimazione tanto sul piano della sua capacità rappresentativa quanto su quella dell’esercizio dei poteri legislativi, di indirizzo e di controllo. Nel contesto di un forte irrobustimento della figura e della stabilità del Presidente del Consiglio, infatti, è essenziale una cura ricostituente per il Parlamento. Il Capitolo presenta varie proposte e, in particolare, si cura di contrastare l’abuso della decretazione d’urgenza, che, di fatto, trasferisce il potere legislativo dal Parlamento al Governo in misura non compatibile con un ordinamento costituzionale liberale e democratico (due terzi della legislazione italiana è prodotta attraverso uno strumento previsto in Costituzione come eccezionale). Nel settimo Capitolo si affronta il tema della legge elettorale. Si spiegano le ragioni per le quali non sembrano più sussistere le condizioni per tornare a una legge uninominale maggioritaria sul modello del Mattarellum (di cui non si dà per la verità un cattivo giudizio) e quelle per le quali i sistemi elettorali con premio di maggioranza sono considerati dannosi sia per la stabilità dei governi che per la capacità rappresentativa del Parlamento, constatando che, invece, sulla base della proposta governativa, proprio questo sistema sarebbe l’unico consentito. Si propone all’opposto di puntare su un sistema proporzionale selettivo, volto a ricostruire un sistema dei partiti più ordinato anche se plurale, come dimostrano gli effetti di un simile sistema elettorale in Germania. Si sottolinea inoltre, che agli scopi di maggior stabilità degli esecutivi e di maggior rappresentatività del Parlamento che ci si propone è indispensabile introdurre un sistema di restituzione agli elettori del potere di selezionare i candidati alle Camere. Infine, nell’ottavo capitolo, a garanzia di un buon funzionamento del nuovo sistema incentrato sulla sfiducia costruttiva e della proposta legge elettorale selettiva, nonché allo scopo di rafforzare la capacità rappresentativa delle istituzioni politiche e della partecipazione dei cittadini alla determinazione della politica nazionale, si raccomanda l’adozione di una articolata disciplina pubblicistica dei partiti politici e di un nuovo sistema di finanziamento della politica. In sostanza, il paper ritiene che sia possibile risolvere le problematicità del funzionamento della nostra forma di governo – sia in termini di stabilità degli esecutivi che in termini di legittimazione popolare delle decisioni pubbliche – restando nell’ambito della tradizione costituzionale italiana, sfuggendo alle suggestioni di semplificazioni verticistiche e plebiscitarie che rischiano di allontanarci dai principi che connotano il costituzionalismo liberale e democratico

Nrf2-interacting nutrients and COVID-19 : time for research to develop adaptation strategies

There are large between- and within-country variations in COVID-19 death rates. Some very low death rate settings such as Eastern Asia, Central Europe, the Balkans and Africa have a common feature of eating large quantities of fermented foods whose intake is associated with the activation of the Nrf2 (Nuclear factor (erythroid-derived 2)-like 2) anti-oxidant transcription factor. There are many Nrf2-interacting nutrients (berberine, curcumin, epigallocatechin gallate, genistein, quercetin, resveratrol, sulforaphane) that all act similarly to reduce insulin resistance, endothelial damage, lung injury and cytokine storm. They also act on the same mechanisms (mTOR: Mammalian target of rapamycin, PPAR gamma:Peroxisome proliferator-activated receptor, NF kappa B: Nuclear factor kappa B, ERK: Extracellular signal-regulated kinases and eIF2 alpha:Elongation initiation factor 2 alpha). They may as a result be important in mitigating the severity of COVID-19, acting through the endoplasmic reticulum stress or ACE-Angiotensin-II-AT(1)R axis (AT(1)R) pathway. Many Nrf2-interacting nutrients are also interacting with TRPA1 and/or TRPV1. Interestingly, geographical areas with very low COVID-19 mortality are those with the lowest prevalence of obesity (Sub-Saharan Africa and Asia). It is tempting to propose that Nrf2-interacting foods and nutrients can re-balance insulin resistance and have a significant effect on COVID-19 severity. It is therefore possible that the intake of these foods may restore an optimal natural balance for the Nrf2 pathway and may be of interest in the mitigation of COVID-19 severity

Cabbage and fermented vegetables : From death rate heterogeneity in countries to candidates for mitigation strategies of severe COVID-19

Large differences in COVID-19 death rates exist between countries and between regions of the same country. Some very low death rate countries such as Eastern Asia, Central Europe, or the Balkans have a common feature of eating large quantities of fermented foods. Although biases exist when examining ecological studies, fermented vegetables or cabbage have been associated with low death rates in European countries. SARS-CoV-2 binds to its receptor, the angiotensin-converting enzyme 2 (ACE2). As a result of SARS-CoV-2 binding, ACE2 downregulation enhances the angiotensin II receptor type 1 (AT(1)R) axis associated with oxidative stress. This leads to insulin resistance as well as lung and endothelial damage, two severe outcomes of COVID-19. The nuclear factor (erythroid-derived 2)-like 2 (Nrf2) is the most potent antioxidant in humans and can block in particular the AT(1)R axis. Cabbage contains precursors of sulforaphane, the most active natural activator of Nrf2. Fermented vegetables contain many lactobacilli, which are also potent Nrf2 activators. Three examples are: kimchi in Korea, westernized foods, and the slum paradox. It is proposed that fermented cabbage is a proof-of-concept of dietary manipulations that may enhance Nrf2-associated antioxidant effects, helpful in mitigating COVID-19 severity.Peer reviewe

Proposal of 0.5 mg of protein/100 g of processed food as threshold for voluntary declaration of food allergen traces in processed food-A first step in an initiative to better inform patients and avoid fatal allergic reactions: A GA(2)LEN position paper

BackgroundFood anaphylaxis is commonly elicited by unintentional ingestion of foods containing the allergen above the tolerance threshold level of the individual. While labeling the 14 main allergens used as ingredients in food products is mandatory in the EU, there is no legal definition of declaring potential contaminants. Precautionary allergen labeling such as “may contain traces of” is often used. However, this is unsatisfactory for consumers as they get no information if the contamination is below their personal threshold. In discussions with the food industry and technologists, it was suggested to use a voluntary declaration indicating that all declared contaminants are below a threshold of 0.5 mg protein per 100 g of food. This concentration is known to be below the threshold of most patients, and it can be technically guaranteed in most food production. However, it was also important to assess that in case of accidental ingestion of contaminants below this threshold by highly allergic patients, no fatal anaphylactic reaction could occur. Therefore, we performed a systematic review to assess whether a fatal reaction to 5mg of protein or less has been reported, assuming that a maximum portion size of 1kg of a processed food exceeds any meal and thus gives a sufficient safety margin.MethodsMEDLINE and EMBASE were searched until 24 January 2021 for provocation studies and case reports in which one of the 14 major food allergens was reported to elicit fatal or life-threatening anaphylactic reactions and assessed if these occurred below the ingestion of 5mg of protein. A Delphi process was performed to obtain an expert consensus on the results.ResultsIn the 210 studies included, in our search, no reports of fatal anaphylactic reactions reported below 5 mg protein ingested were identified. However, in provocation studies and case reports, severe reactions below 5 mg were reported for the following allergens: eggs, fish, lupin, milk, nuts, peanuts, soy, and sesame seeds.ConclusionBased on the literature studied for this review, it can be stated that cross-contamination of the 14 major food allergens below 0.5 mg/100 g is likely not to endanger most food allergic patients when a standard portion of food is consumed. We propose to use the statement “this product contains the named allergens in the list of ingredients, it may contain traces of other contaminations (to be named, e.g. nut) at concentrations less than 0.5 mg per 100 g of this product” for a voluntary declaration on processed food packages. This level of avoidance of cross-contaminations can be achieved technically for most processed foods, and the statement would be a clear and helpful message to the consumers. However, it is clearly acknowledged that a voluntary declaration is only a first step to a legally binding solution. For this, further research on threshold levels is encouraged.</div