Characteristics of students who enter occupational therapy education through the Universities and Colleges Admissions Service (UCAS) Clearing System

Since the 1960s, there has been substantial research outside the United Kingdom (UK) on recruitment to occupational therapy education. Recent UK studies have explored the characteristics of mature students (Craik and Alderman 1998), first-year students (Craik et al 2001) and students with a first degree (Craik and Napthine 2001). Based on these studies, a semi-structured, self-report, postal questionnaire gathered data from 50 students who entered the BSc(Hons) Occupational Therapy course at Brunel University, London, via the Universities and Colleges Admissions Service for the UK (UCAS) clearing system. The students tended to be younger and were more likely to be female and Caucasian and to have similar or higher academic qualifications than standardentry students at the same university. The majority first became aware of occupational therapy through previous work in a health care setting, although some did so while researching allied health professions. Although one-third originally had physiotherapy as their first career choice, 92% now considered that occupational therapy was what they wanted to do. The principal reason for applying through the clearing system was timing, with some applicants deciding late in the academic year to study occupational therapy. These findings add further weight to the need to promote the profession

Emron Esplin. Borges’s Poe: The Influence and Reinvention of Edgar Allan Poe in Spanish America

Reseña

Durham, University Library, Cosin V. II. 6: Symeon of Durham, "Libellus de exordio;' etc.

124. Durham, University Library, Cosin V. II. 6 Symeon of Durham, "Libellus de exordio;' etc. [Ker 110*, Gneuss-] HISTORY: The principal item in this manuscript (item 7) is a copy of Symeon of Durham's "Libellus de exordio atque procursu istius hoc est Dunhelmensis ecclesie;' formerly known as the Historia Dunelmensis ecclesie, an account of the foundation of the church of Lindisfarne, the removal of that church to Chester-le-Street in the late 9c, its final relocation at Durham in 995, and the history of the church of Durham down to the death of Bishop William of St. Calais in 1096. The work is now definitely attributed to Symeon of Durham and was written after 1104 and probably by 1107, certainly by 1115. The text in this manuscript is very closely related to that in London, BL Cotton Faustina A.v [191]. Paleographical evidence shows that it was produced at Durham very soon after the composition of the main text, and was corrected by the author, Symeon of Durham. Item 5 was added in the second quarter of the 12c, item 9 in the third quarter. The evidence of medieval Durham library catalogues shows that the manuscript was in Durham in the later Middle Ages. The words on f. 12r/1, '& qua<m> maxime: correspond to the secundo folio reference in the 1421 catalogue, as does the shelf-mark 'O' (gutter) on f. llr (B[otfield] 1838: 124). F. llr has a 15c rubric which incorporates a Durham ex-libris. Item 8 (ff. 88r-98r) and the headings on ff. 1 v and 6r were added by William Claxton of Wynyard (d. 1597), who was associated with other Durham books, including two copies of the "Libellus de exordio;' Oxford, Bodleian Library, Fairfax MS 6, and Laud misc. MS 700 (cf. Doyle 1997). The manuscript was in the library of Bishop John Cosin before 1668, when he founded the Episcopal Library, entrusted to the University of Durham in 1937. Eight paper leaves were added in the 18c. Quires I-XI constitute the original manuscript, with XII added in 16c. Quires XIII-XIV are later 12c additions

Durham Cathedral Library, A. IV. 36: Symeon of Durham, "Libellus de exordio;' etc.

119a. Durham Cathedral Library, A. IV. 36 Symeon of Durham, "Libellus de exordio;' etc. [Ker-, Gneuss-] HISTORY: A copy of Symeon of Durham's "Libellus de exordio istius hoc est Dunelmensis ecclesie;' formerly known as the Historia Dunelmensis eccclesie. The work is an account of the foundation of the church of Lindisfarne, the removal of that church to Chester-le-Street in the late 9c, its final relocation at Durham in 995, and the history of the church of Durham down to the death of Bishop William of St Calais in 1096. The work is now definitely attributed to Symeon of Durham and was written after 1104 and probably by 1107 or 1109, certainly by 1115. The text in this manuscript (Rollason's text "D'' ) is a careless copy of that in Durham, University Library, Cosin VII. 6 [124], corrected by a contemporary hand in brown pencil. Its script and decoration resemble those of other Durham books, suggesting that it was produced at Durham. That it was also kept there in the Middle Ages is shown by: an erased Durham ex libris (beginning of 15c, legible under ultra-violet light) at the top off. 1 and the letter 'M' corresponding to an entry in the 1395 catalogue of books in the Durham claustral library (B[otfield] 1838: 56); the first words off. 2r which correspond more or less to the same entry (the words cited in the catalogue are 'perlatum est' rather than 'prolatum est' but this is obviously a slip); and the fact that in the later Middle Ages the book received annotations by identifiable Durham monks. The manuscript was in 1568 given to Matthew Parker by Robert Horne (note on f. 12lv/8-ll), who had been a dean of Durham (1551/3-1559/61). There are chapter marks, etc. in red crayon similar to that found in many of Parker's manuscripts. It was transcribed about Parker's time as CCCC 100(1) (Doyle 1998: 158). It was possibly at York later on, where it is assigned in Bernard's Catalogi Manuscriptorum Angliae (1697), II, pt. 1,4, and was seen there by Thomas Rud. It was removed from York somehow and later belonged to the Dutch collector Henrik van Wijn (18c/19c), inscriptionf . iv recto (bottom) and flyleaf notes by him (ii verso), and was bought at Leiden and brought back to England, probably in the 1830s. It was subsequently acquired for Sir Thomas Phillipps's Library as MS 9374, and was purchased for the Durham Cathedral Library in 1950 (cf. Davies 1951, Doyle 1998: 160). Because of its acquisition history, it was not known to Dobbie or mentioned in Ker, Catalogue, and hence omitted by Robinson and Stanley 1991. &nbsp

Re-evaluating participatory catchment management: Integrating mapping, modelling, and participatory action to deliver more effective risk management

Recent policy changes, such as the EU Water Framework Directive, have transformed catchment management to consider connected socio-ecological systems at the catchment scale, and integrate concept of public participation. However, there is relatively little research exploring how effective these changes have been in altering existing practices of management. Adopting a transdisciplinary approach, this thesis investigates a range of perspectives to explore existing participatory practices in current catchment management, and understand how we can integrate alternative knowledges and perspectives. The research employs diverse social and physical science methods, including participant led interviews and participatory mapping, numerical flood modelling, and the creation of a participatory competency group. The research finds that, despite the participatory policy turn, established supracatchment scale drivers continue to dictate top-down practices of everyday catchment management, excluding local communities from decision-making power. In contrast, participation in managing extreme events is actively encouraged, with the development of community resilience a key objective for management agencies. However, the research findings suggest that a similar lack of meaningful participation in knowledge creation and decision-making restricts resilience building. Based on these findings, the research explores practical ways in which participation and resilience can be embedded in ICM, using the typically expert-led practice of numerical flood modelling to show how existing practices of knowledge creation can be enhanced. The thesis also demonstrates how new practices of knowledge creation, based on social learning, can be used to develop new, more effective ways of communicating flood risk and building local resilience. The thesis proposes a new framework for the management of connected socio-ecological catchment systems, embedding evolutionary resilience as a practical mechanism by which public participation and the management of everyday and extreme events could be unified to develop more effective and sustainable catchment management and more resilient communities

The Liber Vitae of Durham (BL MS Cotton Domitian A. vii): a discussion of its possible context and use in the later middle ages

This thesis examines in detail the history and use of the Liber Vitae of Durham (BL MS Cotton Domitian A. vii). The manuscript is one of a small group of similar manuscripts created by different monasteries to record the names of associates of the monastery to be remembered during the round of monastic prayer. The Liber Vitae was first created in the mid-ninth century in Northumbria. Between c.1083 and c.1539 the monks of Durham used it to record the names of members of the monastic community together with large numbers of non-monastic names. In the first section of the thesis the history and development of the manuscript is explored through a detailed consideration of its codicology, supported by a discussion of the development of the lists of names over five hundred years. The phases of the development of the manuscript discovered by these means are then placed in their historical context, first in ninth century Northumbria and then in Durham between the eleventh and sixteenth centuries. In the second section the evidence for the way in which the book might have been used in the liturgy is examined. The possible uses of the book are particularly compared with the other evidence available from Durham for the ways in which friends and benefactors of the monastery were commemorated. In the final section the non-monastic names written into the manuscript after c. 1300 are examined in detail to try to define what group of associates of the priory of Durham are in fact commemorated in the Liber Vitae

We are playing football: Seeing the game on Panapompom, PNG

© Royal Anthropological Institute 2011.This article is about football, played by men from Panapompom in Papua New Guinea's Milne Bay province. Football is problematic not because it is culturally appropriated or modified, but rather because Panapompom desired accurately to reproduce the appearance of the international game. As such it questions conventional frames of reference. An interpretation in terms of culture obscures Panapompom interests in football: its globally recognizable character. It mattered profoundly that Panapompom people played football. Yet framing football as a universal sporting institution is equally inadequate, erasing the specific political project that was embedded in the game. Displacing the interpretative framings, I argue that football itself provides a context in which Panapompom people can judge themselves in relation to others, who are defined in terms of colonial and postcolonial discourses on ‘development’. Taking football as a contextualizing image, Panapompom people appear in distinctive ways in the field of relationships that it defines.ESR

Durham, Cathedral Library, Hunter 100: "Liber de medicina, compoto, et astronomia" including Latin-OE herbal glossary

123. Durham, Cathedral Library, Hunter 100 "Liber de medicina, compoto, et astronomia" including Latin-OE herbal glossary [Ker 110, Gneuss-] HISTORY: Four separate booklets of similar design and script which have at times had different arrangements since the 15c, as shown by two sets of foliations, one 15c and the other modern pencil. The opening words of f. 86r/I (the original second folio) correspond more or less to the entry in the Durham Cathedral library catalogue for 1395 ( the 'sunt nigro' of the catalogue reference is clearly a slip for 'sit ex nigri' (Botfield 1838: 33) so this book was certainly at Durham in the Middle Ages. That it was produced in Durham in the early 12c is shown by the occurrence in it of the hand identified with that of the cantor and historian of the church of Durham, Symeon (d. ca. 1129), which wrote part of ff. lr-42v (including the first section of item 10, ff. l 7r-20r/31 ). The book is written throughout in early 12c hands of an elegant, small, calligraphic character. Mention on f. 28r, in the marginal Easter table annals (item 12), of the deaths of William of Saint-Calais, bishop of Durham (d. 1096), and William Rufus (d. 1100), but not of their successors RanulfFlambard (d. 1128) and Henry I (d.1135), confirms that this item was written before the latter dates. In the 15c the book was extensively annotated throughout by a single large hand which also supplied a continuous foliation. The book presumably remained at Durham, and entered the collection of Dr. Christopher Hunter (1675-1757), from whose executors the Dean and Chapter of Durham bought it in 1757 (on the Hunter donation see Hughes 1925: 32-34). An apparently intermediate owner is noted on f. 12lr, 'Roger Gan<d>sar | hys Book 1710'. That it received its present arrangement in relatively recent times is shown by the 18c inscription at the top off. 85r, 'Liber Ecclesi.e | Cathedr. Dunelm:, which is however matched by the same inscription in the same hand on f. 1r