Ukraine Geopolitical European Flashpoints vis-à-vis India and China: From Ambivalence to Strategic Engagement

Ukraine’s Westward drift has been countered by Russia’s invasion. This conflict marks a dramatic escalation of rivalry and a momentous crossroads for global security, symbolizing a clear alteration in the world’s security milieu from a unipolarity to one demarcated by a revival of Cold War competitiveness and global reconfiguration of power balance. Some political analysts view it as a manifestation of the Kremlin’s growing antipathy towards the U.S., NATO, and implicitly the EU’s post–Cold War expansionism into the erstwhile USSR’s sphere of influence. Response from the global community toward the invasion of Ukraine has been mixed: there has been an array of condemnations that is pushing the international community to a New Cold War, (re)aligning the EU, NATO, and the U.S. on a number of key issues, but many have staked a tacit, condoning stance that prioritizes the protection of their own immediate interests. Meanwhile, ideological, nuclear and economic powers such as China and India have adopted strategic ambivalence towards the invasion. China, as a member of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC), and as an alternative ideological power house, is also facing a sort of paradox with Chinese characteristics. India, as the world’s sixth largest economy and an emerging power devoted to self-reliance, has seized the opportunity to capitalize on the Russia-India-China trilateral strategic cooperation. This is significant, as, together, China and India account for more than half of all FDI-inflow to low- and middle-income countries. However, as the war wears on, the appeal of any initial constructive neutrality begins to backfire. For China, it damages its branding of peaceful options, severs its economic partnerships with the EU, and reinforces the trade-war antagonist perceptions in relation to the U.S. in light of the looming isolation of Russia. The 2024 U.S. presidential elections will likely add more uncertainty. Ultimately, this research illuminates how India and China’s involvement may impact the EU’s security. The research uses an inductive methodology and combines analyses of events, qualitative primary sources, key media references, the realism school of international relations, and it is organized as follows: (1) Introduction: The new Cold Power Play and Hot War; (2) Decoding India’s Strategic Ambivalence; (3) EU and China: Diplomatic aloofness or constructive engagement? (4) China-Russia: Paradox with Chinese Characteristics; (5) Conclusio

Game change in the Gulf of Guinea: three intertwined perspectives on Sino-Equatoguinean cooperation

The Republic of Equatorial Guinea (EG) joined the Forum for Economic and Trade Cooperation between China and Portuguese-speaking Countries (Forum Macao) in 2022, becoming the tenth member-state. This occurred during the 2022 Extraordinary Ministerial Conference, after it acceded to the Community of Portuguese-Speaking Countries (CPLP) in 2014. Since 2015, China and EG have been intensifying their bilateral cooperation after establishing a comprehensive cooperative partnership (Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People’s Republic of China, 2015). In 2019, the two countries signed a Belt and Road Initiative (B&RI) MoU during the second Belt and Road Forum in Beijing, and initiated a strategic approach for bilateral cooperation. Consequently, considering the uniqueness of EG as a Portuguese-speaking Country (PSC) and as the newest member of Forum Macao, this paper poses and answers the following research question: What will be the impact of Sino-Equatoguinean cooperation in light of EG’s recent accession to FM? Methodologically, the research uses qualitative data supported by triangular referencing, including official and non-official sources, namely official statistics, academic papers, and media reports, to look into the bilateral Sino-Equatoguinean relations under the B&RI Lusophone framework, as well as the fact that EG is a CPLP member state. Accordingly, the methodologic rationale focuses on the uniqueness of EG as one of the Lusophone countries and relates it to the Chinese B&RI at three levels: domestic, regional and global. This paper is organized as follows: (1) Introduction; (2) The uniqueness of EG as a PSC; (3) The B&RI and the Lusophone Countries; (4) Cooperation between Equatorial Guinea and China; (5) Conclusion – The Future of Sino-Equatoguinean Cooperation.A República da Guiné Equatorial (GE) tornou-se membro do Fórum para a Cooperação Económica e Comercial entre a China e os Países de Língua Portuguesa (Fórum de Macau, doravante designado por FM) em 2022, tornando-se o décimo estado a fazê-lo. A integração oficial da GE, decorreu à margem da Reunião Extraordinária Ministerial do Fórum de Macau em 2022, após o país ter aderido à Comunidade dos Países de Língua Portuguesa (CPLP) em 2014. Desde 2015, a China e a GE têm vindo a intensificar a cooperação bilateral desde o estabelecimento das relações de parceria de cooperação abrangente (Ministério dos Negócios Estrangeiros da República Popular da China, 2015). Em 2019, os dois países assinaram o Memorando de Entendimento sobre a Iniciativa Uma Faixa Uma Rota (B&RI, em sigla inglesa) durante a segunda edição do Fórum Faixa e Rota em Pequim e iniciaram desde já uma abordagem estratégica na cooperação bilateral. Por conseguinte, tendo em consideração a singularidade da GE como País de Língua Portuguesa e o facto de ser o mais recente membro do FM, este artigo coloca e responde à seguinte questão central de investigação: Qual será o impacto da cooperação Sino-Equatoguineense à luz da recente adesão da GE ao FM? Metodologicamente, a investigação utiliza dados qualitativos sustentados por referências triangulares, incluindo relatórios oficiais e não oficiais, estatísticas oficiais, documentos académicos e notícias dos meios de comunicação social, para analisar as relações bilaterais Sino-Equatoguineenses no âmbito da B&RI nos países lusófonos. Desse modo, a fundamentação qualitativa metodológica centra-se na singularidade da GE como um dos países lusófonos que se envolve na B&RI Chinesa em três níveis: doméstico, regional e global. O presente artigo apresenta a seguinte estrutura: (1) Introdução; (2) A singularidade da GE como um dos PLP; (3) B&RI e os Países Lusófonos; (4) Cooperação entre a Guiné Equatorial e a China; (5) Conclusão - o Futuro da Cooperação Sino-Equatoguineense.info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersio

Brittle Guinea-Bissau: a quest for political and economic stability

This research paper analyzed a fundamental challenge facing the Republic of Guinea-Bissau (GB) — political instability. Since GB declared independence on September 24, 1973, the African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cabo Verde (PAIGC) has failed to bring political stability to what is now one of the poorest countries in the world. Reviewing GB’s political history from its first head of state Luís Cabral (1974–1980) to 2022, we see that there have been 16 heads of state, 30 heads of government, a considerable number of ministers, numerous failed national economic development plans, a year-long civil war, two suspensions of the constitution, and at least four successful coups d’état (and numerous failed attempts). Today, GB remains one of the least developed countries in the world with poor spatial development initiatives, is located in a challenging regional environment, and has a politically relevant diaspora. However, GB is home to approximately two million inhabitants, holds a remarkable range of fauna and flora, and has a unique immaterial heritage that must be protected — which can only be achieved with political stability. The protection of this heritage was an important reason that, in 1996, UNESCO classified the Bolama-Bijagós region as a World Biosphere Ecological Reserve. Considering all of these aspects, we posed and answered the following research question: How can Guinea-Bissau overcome its governance instability as a condition to disentangle itself from its impoverished status? This research question is particularly important in the context of avoiding being exposed to the economic interests of external actors. Methodologically, we use Dahl’s democracy model (2015) and a qualitative approach in the context of a data triangulation involving primary sources, official sources, and media reports.info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersio

Ukraine Effect: Are we Groping for a New World Order?

Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has upended the contemporary world order - and with it the global energy, manufacture, supply, and financial systems in deep distress. In many ways the war recaps the appalling horrors of the two world wars. The conflict between Moscow and Kiev is unfolding against the backdrop of other correspondingly significant crises and cataclysms, for instance the continuing coronavirus pandemic, worsened tensions namely in the U.S. - China relations, U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan, uncertainty in the Sahel Region, the unending civil war in Yemen, increased nuclear polarization in North Korea, and lead to a new pattern of European rearmament. The cost of war is having geopolitical and economic ramifications on the rest of the world. The Russian aggression in Ukraine is manifestation of the struggle for a new world order. Russia and China are openly challenging the Pax Americana, far beyond the visible economic realm. The recent Global Security Initiative (GSI) put forward by the Chinese President, in the April 2022 at BOAO forum, the narratives associated to Shangri-La 2022 defense talks, the Global Development Initiative proposed at the UN General Assembly 2021 and the Global Think Tank Network for Democracy Studies, underlined this evidence. As asserted by Kuo, the GSI is “Blueprint for integrating China’s security priorities and practices (…) Using the U.N. aegis, Beijing is promoting China as a primus inter pares dispute arbiter, architect of new regional security frameworks, and trainer of security professionals and police forces in developing countries” (Kuo, 2023). But the question how the next world order will look like remains open. The Russian war in Ukraine has fast-tracked a shift in the world order forcing a renewed balance of power. There’s an extensive assessment that the “Ukraine effect” could be as sweeping in restructuring global relations as significant as the chain of events following the breakdown of the Soviet Union in 1989 expect that this time the power shift might be away from Washington hegemony. Since President Vladimir Putin attack on Ukraine on 24 February 2022, there is proliferation of research and academic papers about the future shape of world order. Therefore, these developments beg questions: Is the idea of an “end” to history is fallacy? Are there no key difficulties within liberal policies that can fuel struggle and contradictions? Is Ukraine a wake-up call for Western Liberal order? Do liberal democracies need to pay cognizance to rapidly emerging new international order which is less weighed down by old ideological loyalties but is more realist and transactional and driven by national interests? How can we comprehend China-Russia open diplomatic alignment? This paper provides an analytical discussion on New-Cold War developments and the emerging world order in the backdrop of ongoing struggles and power rebalancing. In this regard, the manuscript addresses some of the main features of the new international power configurations system, apparent drifts, and new threats in international relations

Sobolev-type orthogonal polynomials on the unit circle

35 pages, no figures.-- MSC2000 codes: 42C05.MR#: MR1891026 (2003e:42037)Zbl#: Zbl 1033.42025This paper deals with polynomials orthogonal with respect to a Sobolev-type inner product $$\langle f,g\rangle =\int_{-\pi}^\pi f(e^{i\theta}) \overline{g(e^{i\theta})} d\mu(e^{i\theta})\, + \, \bold{f}(c)A (\bold{g}(c))^H.$$ where μ is a positive Borel measure supported on [−π,π), A is a nonsingular matrix and 1. We denote f(c)=(f(c),f'(c),\dots,f^{(p)}(c)) and v^H the transposed conjugate of the vector v. We establish the connection of such polynomials with orthogonal polynomials on the unit circle with respect to the measure [see attached full-text file]. Finally, we deduce the relative asymptotics for both families of orthogonal polynomials.The work of the first author (F. Marcellán) was partially supported by D.G.E.S. of Spain under grant PB96-0120-C03-01. The work of the second author (L. Moral) was partially supported by P.A.I. 1997 (Universidad de Zaragoza) CIE-10.Publicad

Líquenes calcícolas y terrícolas de algunas localidades costeras de Marruecos

Líquenes calcícolas y terrícolas de algunas localidades costeras de Marruecos. Se ha realizado un estudio floristico de los líquenes calcicolas y terrícolas recolectados en 8 localidades costeras de Marruecos. Se citan 73 táxones. Entre las especies más interesantes se pueden destacar: Caloplaca subochracea var. luteococcinea, Catapyrenium pilosellum, Ingaderia troglodytica, Lecania turicensis, Placynthium subradiatum, Verrucaria dolosa y Xanthoria stiligera

Security sector reform: a new state-citizen partnership

Os autores procuram identificar aspetos comuns às diferentes doutrinas no âmbito da Reforma do Setor da Segurança, descrevem de modo genérico o caso-estudo da missão da União Europeia para a Reforma do Setor da Segurança na Guiné-Bissau e traçam as linhas de força da política portuguesa em matéria de cooperação externa. O texto apresentado evidencia uma continuidade representada pela centralidade das necessidades de segurança do indivíduo, como destinatário último deste tipo de processos de transformação

Self-concept organization: analysis of hierarchical structure in adolescents

Este estudo tem como objectivo principal a análise da estrutura hierárquica do autoconceito em adolescentes e, adicionalmente, a comparação dessa estrutura em alunos com e sem repetência no seu passado escolar. Participaram no estudo 943 alunos portugueses do 7º, 9º e 11º ano de escolaridade, que responderam a uma escala de autoconceito e de auto-estima. Os resultados obtidos sustentam a ideia de uma organização hierárquica do autoconceito e um modelo que subdivide o autoconceito em quatro factores de ordem superior. Os resultados sugerem, ainda, uma associação entre a dimensão comportamento e diferentes dimensões de ordem superior, nomeadamente as duas dimensões do autoconceito académico e o autoconceito social. Os resultados divergem quando tomamos alunos com maior e menor sucesso escolar, justificando maior atenção na investigação e na intervenção a este aspecto.The main goal of this research is to analyze the hierarchical structure of self-concept in adolescents and, additionally, to compare this structure in students who have failed in their academic career and in those who have not. Nine hundred and forty-three Portuguese students from the 7th, 9th and 11th grades participated in the research. They completed self-concept and self-esteem scales. Results support the assertion that self-concept is hierarchically structured, and also support a model that subdivides self-concept into four higher order factors. Results also suggest an association between the behavioral dimension and various different higher order dimensions, namely, the two academic self-concept dimensions and the social self-concept one. However, they show divergences when the structure of self-concept between achievers and underachievers is compared. This aspect needs to be examined with greater attention on future researches and interventions.Fundação para a Ciência e a Tecnologia (FCT)MCT/CNPqMEC/CAPESAssociação Brasileira de Neurologia e Psiquiatria Infantil (ABENEPI)IBICITPPG - Psicologia - UFRGSPró-Reitoria de Pesquisa da UFRGS/Programa de Apoio à Edição de Periódico

VENTOS DE MUDANÇA E O FUTURO DA DEFESA EUROPEIA

This paper poses questions about EU soft power, why it is insufficient and how that can be changed. This is done in an attempt to shed light on the current status of the European Union defence sector. The paper specifically addresses political, strategic, structural and organizational challenges. It further proposes development paths for the enhancement of common defence capacities, vis-a-vis the current stage of major threats and the parity of strategic contenders such as the USA, the People’s Republic of China and the Russian Federation. Finally, this paper identifies concrete policy recommendations for a sustainable long-term defence cooperation-integration process, compatible with the exercise of the EU’s 27 national sovereignties. The research methods are undergirded by qualitative research and supported by semi-structured interviews. Seminar discussions and key points were also incorporated into the final version.Este artigo aborda questões sobre o poder brando da UE, e por quais motivos ele é insuficiente e como isso pode ser mudado. Isto é feito na tentativa de lançar luz sobre o estado atual do setor de defesa da União Europeia. O artigo trata especificamente dos desafios políticos, estratégicos, estruturais e organizacionais. Propõe, ainda, vias de desenvolvimento para o reforço das capacidades de defesa comuns, face ao atual estágio das principais ameaças e à paridade de candidatos estratégicos, como os EUA, a República Popular da China e a Federação Russa. Por fim, o artigo identifica recomendações de políticas concretas para um processo sustentável de cooperação-integração a longo prazo, compatível com o exercício das 27 soberanias nacionais da UE. Os métodos de pesquisa são embasados por pesquisas qualitativas e apoiados por entrevistas semiestruturadas. Discussões do seminário e pontos-chave também foram incorporados à versão final