Sixty years of stochastic linearization technique

Stochastic linearization technique is a versatile method of solving nonlinear stochastic boundary value problems. It allows obtaining estimates of the response of the system when exact solution is unavailable; in contrast to the perturbation technique, its realization does not demand smallness of the parameter; on the other hand, unlike the Monte Carlo simulation it does not involve extensive computational cost. Although its accuracy may be not very high, this is remedied by the fact that the stochastic excitation itself need not be known quite precisely. Although it was advanced about six decades ago, during which several hundreds of papers were written, its foundations, as exposed in many monographs, appear to be still attracting investigators in stochastic dynamics. This study considers the methodological and pedagogical aspects of its exposition

The Earth BioGenome Project 2020: Starting the clock

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The Evolutionary Dynamics of the Lion Panthera leo Revealed by Host and Viral Population Genomics

The lion Panthera leo is one of the world's most charismatic carnivores and is one of Africa's key predators. Here, we used a large dataset from 357 lions comprehending 1.13 megabases of sequence data and genotypes from 22 microsatellite loci to characterize its recent evolutionary history. Patterns of molecular genetic variation in multiple maternal (mtDNA), paternal (Y-chromosome), and biparental nuclear (nDNA) genetic markers were compared with patterns of sequence and subtype variation of the lion feline immunodeficiency virus (FIVPle), a lentivirus analogous to human immunodeficiency virus (HIV). In spite of the ability of lions to disperse long distances, patterns of lion genetic diversity suggest substantial population subdivision (mtDNA ΦST = 0.92; nDNA FST = 0.18), and reduced gene flow, which, along with large differences in sero-prevalence of six distinct FIVPle subtypes among lion populations, refute the hypothesis that African lions consist of a single panmictic population. Our results suggest that extant lion populations derive from several Pleistocene refugia in East and Southern Africa (∼324,000–169,000 years ago), which expanded during the Late Pleistocene (∼100,000 years ago) into Central and North Africa and into Asia. During the Pleistocene/Holocene transition (∼14,000–7,000 years), another expansion occurred from southern refugia northwards towards East Africa, causing population interbreeding. In particular, lion and FIVPle variation affirms that the large, well-studied lion population occupying the greater Serengeti Ecosystem is derived from three distinct populations that admixed recently

The Earth BioGenome Project 2020: Starting the clock.

© The Author(s), 2022. This article is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License. The definitive version was published in Lewin, H. A., Richards, S., Lieberman Aiden, E., Allende, M. L., Archibald, J. M., Bálint, M., Barker, K. B., Baumgartner, B., Belov, K., Bertorelle, G., Blaxter, Mark L., Cai, J., Caperello, N. D., Carlson, K., Castilla-Rubio, J. C., Chaw, S-M., Chen, L., Childers, A. K., Coddington, J. A., Conde, D. A., Corominas, M., Crandall, K. A., Crawford, A. J., DiPalma, F., Durbin, R., Ebenezer, T. E., Edwards, S. V., Fedrigo, O., Flicek, P., Formenti, G., Gibbs, R. A., Gilbert, M. Thomas P., Goldstein, M. M., Graves, J. M., Greely, H. T., Grigoriev, I. V., Hackett, K. J., Hall, N., Haussler, D., Helgen, K. M., Hogg, C. J., Isobe, S., Jakobsen, K. S., Janke, A., Jarvis, E. D., Johnson, W. E., Jones, S. J. M., Karlsson, E. K., Kersey, P. J., Kim, J-H., Kress, W. J., Kuraku, S., Lawniczak, M. K. N., Leebens-Mack, J. H., Li, X., Lindblad-Toh, K., Liu, X., Lopez, J. V., Marques-Bonet, T., Mazard, S., Mazet, J. A. K., Mazzoni, C. J., Myers, E. W., O’Neill, R. J., Paez, S., Park, H., Robinson, G. E., Roquet, C., Ryder, O. A., Sabir, J. S. M., Shaffer, H. B., Shank, T. M., Sherkow, J. S., Soltis, P. S., Tang, B., Tedersoo, L., Uliano-Silva, M., Wang, K., Wei, X., Wetzer, R., Wilson, J. L., Xu, X., Yang, H., Yoder, A. D., Zhang, G. The Earth BioGenome Project 2020: starting the clock. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America, 119(4), (2022): e2115635118, https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.2115635118.November 2020 marked 2 y since the launch of the Earth BioGenome Project (EBP), which aims to sequence all known eukaryotic species in a 10-y timeframe. Since then, significant progress has been made across all aspects of the EBP roadmap, as outlined in the 2018 article describing the project’s goals, strategies, and challenges (1). The launch phase has ended and the clock has started on reaching the EBP’s major milestones. This Special Feature explores the many facets of the EBP, including a review of progress, a description of major scientific goals, exemplar projects, ethical legal and social issues, and applications of biodiversity genomics. In this Introduction, we summarize the current status of the EBP, held virtually October 5 to 9, 2020, including recent updates through February 2021. References to the nine Perspective articles included in this Special Feature are cited to guide the reader toward deeper understanding of the goals and challenges facing the EBP

The seeds of divergence: the economy of French North America, 1688 to 1760

Generally, Canada has been ignored in the literature on the colonial origins of divergence with most of the attention going to the United States. Late nineteenth century estimates of income per capita show that Canada was relatively poorer than the United States and that within Canada, the French and Catholic population of Quebec was considerably poorer. Was this gap long standing? Some evidence has been advanced for earlier periods, but it is quite limited and not well-suited for comparison with other societies. This thesis aims to contribute both to Canadian economic history and to comparative work on inequality across nations during the early modern period. With the use of novel prices and wages from Quebec—which was then the largest settlement in Canada and under French rule—a price index, a series of real wages and a measurement of Gross Domestic Product (GDP) are constructed. They are used to shed light both on the course of economic development until the French were defeated by the British in 1760 and on standards of living in that colony relative to the mother country, France, as well as the American colonies. The work is divided into three components. The first component relates to the construction of a price index. The absence of such an index has been a thorn in the side of Canadian historians as it has limited the ability of historians to obtain real values of wages, output and living standards. This index shows that prices did not follow any trend and remained at a stable level. However, there were episodes of wide swings—mostly due to wars and the monetary experiment of playing card money. The creation of this index lays the foundation of the next component. The second component constructs a standardized real wage series in the form of welfare ratios (a consumption basket divided by nominal wage rate multiplied by length of work year) to compare Canada with France, England and Colonial America. Two measures are derived. The first relies on a “bare bones” definition of consumption with a large share of land-intensive goods. This measure indicates that Canada was poorer than England and Colonial America and not appreciably richer than France. However, this measure overestimates the relative position of Canada to the Old World because of the strong presence of land-intensive goods. A second measure is created using a “respectable” definition of consumption in which the basket includes a larger share of manufactured goods and capital-intensive goods. This second basket better reflects differences in living standards since the abundance of land in Canada (and Colonial America) made it easy to achieve bare subsistence, but the scarcity of capital and skilled labor made the consumption of luxuries and manufactured goods (clothing, lighting, imported goods) highly expensive. With this measure, the advantage of New France over France evaporates and turns slightly negative. In comparison with Britain and Colonial America, the gap widens appreciably. This element is the most important for future research. By showing a reversal because of a shift to a different type of basket, it shows that Old World and New World comparisons are very sensitive to how we measure the cost of living. Furthermore, there are no sustained improvements in living standards over the period regardless of the measure used. Gaps in living standards observed later in the nineteenth century existed as far back as the seventeenth century. In a wider American perspective that includes the Spanish colonies, Canada fares better. The third component computes a new series for Gross Domestic Product (GDP). This is to avoid problems associated with using real wages in the form of welfare ratios which assume a constant labor supply. This assumption is hard to defend in the case of Colonial Canada as there were many signs of increasing industriousness during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. The GDP series suggest no long-run trend in living standards (from 1688 to circa 1765). The long peace era of 1713 to 1740 was marked by modest economic growth which offset a steady decline that had started in 1688, but by 1760 (as a result of constant warfare) living standards had sunk below their 1688 levels. These developments are accompanied by observations that suggest that other indicators of living standard declined. The flat-lining of incomes is accompanied by substantial increases in the amount of time worked, rising mortality and rising infant mortality. In addition, comparisons of incomes with the American colonies confirm the results obtained with wages— Canada was considerably poorer. At the end, a long conclusion is provides an exploratory discussion of why Canada would have diverged early on. In structural terms, it is argued that the French colony was plagued by the problem of a small population which prohibited the existence of scale effects. In combination with the fact that it was dispersed throughout the territory, the small population of New France limited the scope for specialization and economies of scale. However, this problem was in part created, and in part aggravated, by institutional factors like seigneurial tenure. The colonial origins of French America’s divergence from the rest of North America are thus partly institutional