Liudprand von Cremona (Legatio cap. 39 - 41) und eine bisher unbeachtete west-östliche Korrespondenz über die Bedeutung des Jahres 1000 a.D.

Die "Relatio de legatione Constantinopolitana" des Liudprand von Cremona und seine Gesandtschaft des Jahres 968 nach Konstantinopel zum Kaiser Nikephoros II. Phokas ist von byzantinistischer Seite bereits mehrfachi untersucht worden. Daß Liudprand und seine Schriften hauptsächlich Gegenstand der mediävistischen Forschung geblieben sind, ist nur natürlich. Und daß dabei die im engeren Sinne byzantinistischen Belange zweitrangig sind, ist ebenfalls normal. Gelegentlich jedoch können - so scheint mir - Informationen, die Liudprand über Byzanz mitteilt, auch in einem westlichen Kontext gesehen werden. Der Bischof von Cremona schrieb ja schließlich nicht für die Byzantiner; sondern sah als sein vorrangiges Publikum Otto I. und dessen Hof an. Ich werde deshalb an dieser Stelle versuchen, zunächst die Hintergründe für Liudprand von Cremonas Kapitel 39-41 der "Relatio" auf der Basis des eben angesprochenen byzantinischen Hintergrunds auszuleuchten und werde in einem zweiten Teil, der allerdings aufs engste mit dem Background für diese Kapitel der "Relatio" des Liudprand zusammenhängt, auf zwei Schriften eines bedeutenden byzantinischen Gelehrten des 10. Jhs. - Niketas Paphlagon - aufmerksam machen, die nicht nur einen sehr interessanten Hinweis auf Kontakte dieses byzantinischen Theologen mit westlichen Bischöfen enthalten, sondern durch ihren Inhalt endzeitliche Erwartungen in Byzanz wie im lateinisclien Westen belegen. Sie sind bisher völlig unbeachtet geblieben. Ich beabsichtige allerdings nicht, in die alte Debatte der Mediävistik um den "terreur de l'an mille" einzugreifen. Mir geht es allein darum, zu zeigen, daß auch in Byzanz ein Wissen um die Gefahren der Zeit um das Jahr 1000 a.D. existierte, auch wenn dieses sich teilweise aus ganz anderen Quellen als analoge Phänomene im Westen speiste. ..

Evidence against a strong first-order phase transition in neutron star cores: impact of new data

With the aim of exploring the evidence for or against phase transitions in cold and dense baryonic matter, the inference of the sound speed and equation-of-state for dense matter in neutron stars is extended in view of recent new observational data. The impact of the heavy (2.35 $M_\odot$) black widow pulsar PSR J0952-0607 and of the unusually light supernova remnant HESS J1731-347 is inspected. In addition a detailed re-analysis is performed of the low-density constraint based on chiral effective field theory and of the perturbative QCD constraint at asymptotically high densities, in order to clarify the influence of these constraints on the inference procedure. The trace anomaly measure, $\Delta = 1/3 - P/\varepsilon$, is also computed and discussed. A systematic Bayes factor assessment quantifies the evidence (or non-evidence) of low sound speeds $(c_s^2 \leq 0.1)$, a prerequisite for a phase transition, within the range of densities realized in the core of neutron stars. One of the consequences of including PSR J0952-0607 in the data base is a further stiffening of the equation-of-state, resulting for a 2.1 solar-mass neutron star in a reduced central density of less than five times the equilibrium density of normal nuclear matter. The evidence against small sound speeds in neutron star cores is further strengthened. Within the inferred posterior credible bands, only a weak first-order phase transition with a coexistence density interval $\Delta n/n \lesssim 0.2$ would be compatible with the observed data

Protein corona and nanoparticles: How can we investigate on?

Nanoparticles (NPs) represent one of the most promising tools for drug-targeting and drug-delivery. However, a deeper understanding of the complex dynamics that happen after their in vivo administration is required. Particularly, plasma proteins tend to associate to NPs, forming a new surface named the 'protein corona' (PC). This surface is the most exposed as the 'visible side' of NPs and therefore, can have a strong impact on NP biodistribution, targeting efficacy and also toxicity. The PC consists of two poorly delimited layers, known as 'hard corona' (HC) and 'soft corona' (SC), that are affected by the complexity of the environment and the formed protein-surface equilibrium during in vivo blood circulation. The HC corona is formed by proteins strongly associated to the NPs, while the SC is an outer layer consisting of loosely bound proteins. Several studies attempted to investigate the HC, which is easier to be isolated, but yielded poor reproducibility, due to varying experimental conditions. As a consequence, full mapping of the HC for different NPs is still lacking. Moreover, the current knowledge on the SC, which may play a major role in the 'first' interaction of NPs once in vivo, is very limited, mainly due to the difficulties in preserving it after purification. Therefore, multi-disciplinary approaches leading to the obtainment of a major number of information about the PC and its properties is strongly needed to fully understand its impact and to better support a more safety and conscious application of nanotechnology in medicine

Effect of invader removal: pollinators stay but some native plants miss their new friend

Removal of invasive species often benefits biological diversity allowing ecosystems’ recovery. However, it is important to assess the functional roles that invaders may have established in their new areas to avoid unexpected results from species elimination. Invasive animal-pollinated plants may affect the plant–pollination interactions by changing pollinator availability and/or behaviour in the community. Thus, removal of an invasive plant may have important effects on pollinator community that may then be reflected positive or negatively on the reproductive success of native plants. The objective of this study was to assess the effect of removing Oxalis pescaprae, an invasive weed widely spread in the Mediterranean basin, on plant–pollinator interactions and on the reproductive success of co-flowering native plants. For this, a disturbed area in central Portugal, where this species is highly abundant, was selected. Visitation rates, natural pollen loads, pollen tube growth and natural fruit set of native plants were compared in the presence of O. pes-caprae and after manual removal of their flowers. Our results showed a highly resilient pollination network but also revealed some facilitative effects of O. pes-caprae on the reproductive success of co-flowering native plants. Reproductive success of the native plants seems to depend not only on the number and diversity of floral visitors, but also on their efficiency as pollinators. The information provided on the effects of invasive species on the sexual reproductive success of natives is essential for adequate management of invaded areas.This work is financed by FEDER funds through the COMPETE Program and by Portuguese Foundation for Science and Technology (FCT) funds in the ambit of the project PTDC/ BIA-BIC/110824/2009, by CRUP Acc¸o˜es Integradas Luso- Espanholas 2010 with the project E10/10, by MCI-Programa de Internacionalizacio´n de la I ? D (PT2009-0068) and by the Spanish DGICYT (CGL2009-10466), FEDER funds from the European Union, and the Xunta de Galicia (INCITE09- 3103009PR). FCT also supported the work of S. Castro (FCT/ BPD/41200/2007) and J. Costa (CB/C05/2009/209; PTDC/ BIA-BIC/110824/2009). The work of V. Ferrero was supported by the Fundacio´n Ramo´n Areces

Taufe und soziale/politische Inklusion und Exklusion in Byzanz

Nicht die Entwicklung des Sakraments der Taufe während der tausendjährigen byzantinischen Geschichte gilt es hier zu erörtern; der liturgiewissenschaftliche Aspekt wird in diesen Zeilen bestenfalls einen Randaspekt darstellen. Stattdessen werde ich mich auf einige Aspekte konzentrieren (wenn auch in unterschiedlicher Intensität), die dem vorgegebenen Thema – (gesellschaftliche) Inklusion und Exklusion – entsprechen. Es soll also um ausgewählte Aspekte des Themenkomplexes "Taufe" gehen, die Relevanz für die Rechtsgeschichte, aber auch für die Gesellschaftsgeschichte in einem allgemeineren Sinne (inklusive gewisser Bezüge zur politischen Geschichte bzw. zur Missionsgeschichte) aufweisen. ..

Apostel Andreas vs. Apostel Petrus?

Contrary to what was previously considered to be the case, the emergence of the legend that the apostle Andreas had founded the Church of Byzantium, or rather of Constantinople, can – at the very earliest – be dated back to the closing of the 8th century (therefore, not to the 7th century, or even earlier, as has so often been claimed). The apostle Andreas (equated with the Byzantine Church) was conceived as the counterpart to the apostle Peter, upon whom, according to Matthew 16:18, the Roman Church rests. An analogue to the apostolic foundation of »Roman legal space« was created for the Eastern Church. Almost all of the texts extensively treating the so-called Andreas legend stem from the first half of the 9th century. This, of course, raises the question about the historical causes. These are seen as part of a general trend toward »apostolic foundation« of various archbishoprics in the western Mediterranean world (and in France as well). In particular in southern Italy and Sicily, whose bishoprics were subjected to the rule of the patriarchy of Constantinople after the mid-8th century, a »race« began to be elevated to archbishopric (which till then had not existed in the region). A further impulse that shaped the legend of Andreas very likely has to do with the coronation of Charlemagne as emperor (Christmas 800) – where the head of the Roman church, making use of the apostolic legitimation of sovereignty, could even appoint an emperor. After the 9th century in Byzantium, reference to the legend was much less common. Most likely, this had to do with the realisation that the historicity of the legend was simply too fragile to serve as a serious and substantial argument when dealing with the papacy (at least since the 11th century)

Sieben Hügel

The city of Constantinople is named after its founder, Constantine the Great. He built it according to the pattern of Ancient Rome. So much is undisputed. But the opinion expressed in modern handbooks and reference works is that the New Rome, like the ancient, sat upon seven hills, derives from an interesting mistake. Till today one can find descriptions in the topography of Constantinople – in an unbroken tradition since the 16th century – of several hills as a system of topographical order. But to Constantine and his contemporaries, and also for the following four centuries, the seven hills of their city were totally unknown. Not until the end of the 7th century does the metaphor of the city on seven hills appear in our sources – and then not as a form of topographical information. The earliest modern research, beginning in the 16th and 17th centuries, created the fiction of seven distinctive hills. It remained unrecognised that this was part of a process of transferring the designation of the Old Rome – »the great whore of Babylon« of the Revelation of John – to the New Rome, Constantinople. It is possible to describe the different periods in this transfer and to show the diverse historical backgrounds. Here we can see an interesting example of the penetration of an eschatological metaphor into »real« life