Context-dependent articulation of consonant gemination in Estonian

Creative Commons Attribution License (CC BY 4.0)The three-way quantity system is a well-known phonological feature of Estonian. In a number of studies it has been shown that quantity is realized in a disyllabic foot by the stressed-to-unstressed syllable rhyme duration ratio and also by pitch movement as the secondary cue. The stressed syllable rhyme duration is achieved by combining the length of the vowel and the coda consonant, which enables minimal septets of CVCV-sequences based on segmental duration. In this study we analyze articulatory (EMA) recordings from four native Estonian speakers producing all possible quantity combinations of intervocalic bilabial stops in two vocalic contexts (/alpha-i/ vs. /i-alpha/). The analysis shows that kinematic characteristics (gesture duration, spatial extent, and peak velocity) are primarily affected by quantity on the segmental level: Phonologically longer segments are produced by longer and larger lip closing gestures and, in reverse, shorter and smaller lip opening movements. Tongue transition gesture is consistently lengthened and slowed down by increasing consonant quantity. In general, both kinematic characteristics and intergestural coordination are influenced by non-linear interactions between segmental quantity levels as well as vocalic context.Peer reviewe

Emergent consonantal quantity contrast and context-dependence of gestural phasing

Embodied Task Dynamics is a modeling platform combining task dynamical implementation of articulatory phonology with an optimization approach based on adjustable trade-offs between production efficiency and perception efficacy. Within this platform we model a consonantal quantity contrast in bilabial stops as emerging from local adjustment of demands on relative prominence of the consonantal gesture conceptualized in terms of closure duration. The contrast is manifested in the form of two distinct, stable inter-gestural coordination patterns characterized by quantitative differences in relative phasing between the consonant and the coproduced vocalic gesture. Furthermore, the model generates a set of qualitative predictions regarding dependence of kinematic characteristics and inter-gestural coordination on consonant quantity and gestural context. To evaluate these predictions, we collected articulatory data for Finnish speakers uttering singletons and geminates in the same context as explored by the model. Statistical analysis of the data shows strong agreement with model predictions. This result provides support for the hypothesis that speech articulation is guided by efficiency principles that underlie many other types of embodied skilled action.Peer reviewe

Konsonandikeskne vältesüsteem eesti ja inarisaami keeles

Väitekirja elektrooniline versioon ei sisalda publikatsiooneKolme pikkuskategooriaga konsonandikeskne vältesüsteem esineb väga vähestes keeltes, teadaolevalt ainult soome-ugri keeltes: eesti, liivi ja inarisaami keeles ning veel mõningates saami keeltes. Doktoritöö keskendub neist kahele – eesti ja inarisaami keelele, millest esimene kuulub soome-ugri keelte läänemeresoome ja teine saami keelterühma. Eesti keeles esineb keerukas kolmevältesüsteem, kus vastandus moodustatakse nii vokaalide, konsonantide kui ka mõlema põhjal. Inarisaami keeles leiab kolm pikkuskategooriat vaid konsonantide puhul, vokaalidel esineb kahene vastandus. Eksperimentaalfoneetiline väitekiri uurib, kuidas kolmene konsonandikeskne kvantiteedisüsteem nendes keeltes foneetiliselt avaldub kõnetaktis. Vaadeldakse omadusi, mis kolme väldet üksteisest eristavad. Teise suurema teemana käsitleb doktoritöö segmentaalse konteksti rolli eesti keele konsonandivälte avaldumisel. Töö tulemused näitavad, et kolme konsonandikeskset väldet eristab nii eesti kui ka inarisaami keeles konsonandi enda kestus, mis on suuremas vältes pikem. Keeltevahelised erinevused tulevad välja kategooriate omavaheliste kestussuhete kaudu: eesti keeles eristuvad teineteisest rohkem esimene ja teine välde, inarisaamis aga teine ja kolmas välde. Kui eesti keeles lüheneb konsonandile järgnev rõhutu silbi vokaal vastavalt konsonandivälte kasvades, siis inarisaamis lühenevad mõlemad, nii konsonandile eelnev rõhulise silbi vokaal kui ka sellele järgnev rõhutu silbi vokaal. Põhitoonikontuurid inarisaami eri struktuuriga kahesilbilistes sõnades märkimisväärselt ei varieeru, kuid konsonandivälte kasvades intensiivsuse väärtuste erinevus esimese ja teise silbi vokaali vahel suureneb. Samas eri vältes oleva vokaalidevahelise helilise konsonandi enda intensiivsus ei muutu. Põhitoon on eesti keeles oluline teise ja kolmanda välte eristamisel, kuid klusiilide puhul, kus põhitooni liikumist jälgida ei saa, on ka leitud, et välte tajumiseks piisab kestuslikest tunnustest. Doktoritöö eesti keele artikulatsioonikatse tulemused näitavad, et kolmese konsonandikeskse välte avaldumisel on oluline osa segmentaalsel kontekstil. Kui mõningate artikulatoorsete liigutuste puhul saab näha vältega seotud kolmeseid mustreid (huulte sulgemisliigutuse kestuses konsonandi hääldamisel, keeleliigutuste kestuses üleminekul konsonandile eelnevalt vokaalilt järgnevale), siis erineva sõnaalgulise konsonandi ja ümbritseva vokaalikonteksti tõttu esineb varieerumist, kus esimene ja teine välde vastanduvad kolmandale või vastandub esimene välde teisele ja kolmandale. Ka spontaankõne materjali põhjal tehtud akustiline analüüs näitas, et erinevate konsonantide puhul realiseerub kolmene välde mõnevõrra erinevalt ning sealjuures on oluline seos konsonandi ja seda ümbritsevate vokaalide omaduste vahel.Quantity systems with three length categories for consonants can be found in a small number of languages, all of which belong to the Finno-Ugric languages: Estonian, Livonian, Inari Saami, and some other Saami languages. The focus of this dissertation is on two of them, Estonian and Inari Saami, the former belonging to the Finnic and the latter to the Saamic branch. Estonian exhibits a complex quantity system forming ternary length categories with vowels, consonants, or combinations of both. In Inari Saami, ternary length distinction is found for consonants, while vocalic quantity shows binary oppositions. This thesis comprises experimental phonetic studies answering two main questions: how is ternary consonantal quantity in Estonian and Inari Saami realized phonetically, and how does quantity interact with segmental context. The results showed that, in both languages, the three-way consonantal quantity is manifested in consonant durations that are longer in higher quantity degrees. While Estonian first and second quantity are further apart from each other, in Inari Saami second and third quantity are more distinct. Cross-linguistic differences also appear in the relations between intervocalic consonants and neighboring vowels. In Estonian, the vowel following the consonant is shorter after a long and overlong consonant than after a short one. Quantity differences in Inari Saami are realized in shorter durations of both vowels in terms of increasing consonantal quantity. Fundamental frequency contours in Inari Saami are roughly the same in words with different structures. Intensity measures, however, show greater differences between the vowels surrounding the consonant when the quantity of the consonant increases. The intensity of the sonorant consonant does not change in different quantities. The results of the articulatory study of this thesis show variation in quantity manifestations in Estonian geminate consonants due to varied segmental context. Some articulatory movements exhibit three-way patterns associated with quantity categories (in the duration of the lip closing gesture for the consonant and tongue transition gesture from the preceding vowel to the following vowel); for others the first and second quantity are opposed to the third quantity or the first quantity degree is opposed to the second and third ones. Similar patters were found in the acoustic data from spontaneous speech. The durational properties of ternary quantity are realized differently for different intervocalic consonants, and variation is also caused by coarticulatory effects of the surrounding vowels.https://www.ester.ee/record=b524109

Gestural Phasing as an Explanation for Vowel Devoicing in Turkish

Recent work in phonetics has suggested that vowel devoicing or schwa deletion, observed in various languages, is a gradient process. This study provides evidence for the previously undocumented process of high vowel devoicing in Turkish. The prosodic and segmental factors rate, stress, preceding environment, following environment, vowel type, and syllable type were investigated. The factors are described, evaluated and ranked according to the results of a multiple regression (Variable Rule) analysis. Where applicable, results are contrasted with findings for i.e., Japanese and Korean. Furthermore, VOT (voice onset time) measurements of the three voiceless stops [p t k] were obtained, as well as duration measurements of vowels in open and closed syllables where vowels are significantly longer in Turkish. Generally, most devoicing occurred when the vowel was shorter (i.e., as a result of faster rates of speech, lack of stress, in closed syllables, ect.). These findings accord well with predictions made by a model assuming gradual gestural overlap of adjacent consonantal and vocalic gestures. It will be attempted to explain the findings with differences in phasing between articulatory gestures

Cross-language study of voicing contrasts of stop consonants in Asian languages

SIGLEAvailable from British Library Document Supply Centre- DSC:D96488 / BLDSC - British Library Document Supply CentreGBUnited Kingdo

A split-gesture, competitive, coupled oscillator model of syllable structure predicts the emergence of edge gemination and degemination

The phonological mechanisms responsible for the emergence of edge geminates in phonological processes like the Italian Raddoppiamento (Fono-)Sintattico (RS) are an open issue. Previous analyses of Italian treat gemination of (i) word initial consonants, (ii) morpheme-final consonants, and (iii) word final consonants as separate processes brought about by dedicated rule/constraints. We argue that these edge gemination processes result from the same, independently established principles. Through computational simulation of the split-gesture, competitive, coupled oscillator model of syllable structure of Articulatory Phonology, we show that increases in closure duration typical of geminates arise from changes to consonant/vowel couplings. Word initial gemination follows from coupling of a closure gesture to a preceding vowel across a word boundary. Word final gemination follows from coupling of a release gesture to a following vowel. In both cases, the posited structures reflect changes in syllabification hypothesized in previous work. The model simulation also predict different durations for resyllabified edge geminates and medial lexical geminates, in line with experimental findings on the topic. Changes to consonant/vowel couplings also account for the opposite effect: word initial degemination. Thus, the coupled oscillator model of Articulatory Phonology, originally developed to model intergestural timing, predicts the emergence of edge gemination/degemination

XXVIII FONETIIKAN PÄIVÄT. Turku 25.-26. lokakuuta 2013. Konferenssijulkaisu

Siirretty Doriast

The phonetics and phonology of coronal markedness and unmarkedness

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Linguistics and Philosophy, 2000.Includes bibliographical references (p. 191-202).This thesis investigates place feature restrictions in oral and nasal stop consonants with a special focus on the asymmetrical behavior of coronal and noncoronal stops. Two conflicting patterns of place restriction in outputs are attested: coronal unmarkedness and coronal markedness. This thesis shows that coronal unmarkedness is truly a default pattern of place restriction. Coronal unmarkedness is not confined to specific segmental contexts or to languages with a particular inventory structure. In addition, the coronal unmarked pattern is attested through diverse phonological processes such as assimilation, place neutralization, segmental and featural deletion, metathesis, vowel syncope and morpheme structure constraints. This follows from the context-free place markedness hierarchy proposed by Prince and Smolensky (1993). These constraints can conjoin freely with any context-specific constraints. Such conjunction predicts neutralization to coronal place to be attested in any position where place contrast reduction is found. On the other hand, although coronal markedness is also attested through diverse phonological processes such as assimilation, place neutralization, segmental and featural deletion, metathesis and morpheme structure constraints, it is found only in nonprevocalic positions and only in languages without a sub-coronal place contrast. I propose that unlike the default markedness constraint hierarchy, the reversed markedness hierarchy is projected from a perceptibility scale of place features and is therefore context-specific. I argue that a coronal stop in nonprevocalic position in a single-coronal language is perceptually less salient than noncoronal stops in corresponding positions due to a preferential weakening of tongue body articulation for coronal stops in these positions. Also discussed in this thesis is the effect of nasality of stops on the degree of place restrictions. A nasal stop tends to allow fewer place contrasts than an oral stop and a stop followed by an oral stop tends to allow fewer place contrasts than one followed by a nasal stop. Finally, previous approaches to coronal versus noncoronal asymmetry-Coronal Underspecification, Underspecification by Constraints and Perceptually Grounded Faithfulness Constraints are discussed and their inadequacy is demonstrated.by Yoonjung Kang.Ph.D