Hizkuntzaren ekoizpena eta ulermena

Artikulu honetan , erakusten dugu gizakiok hi zkuntza nola erabiltzen eta ulertzen dugun. Horretarako psikohizkuntzalaritzan proposatu diren zenbait eredu azaltzen ditugu: "klasikoak" alde batetik , eta "berriak", azken urteotan plazaratutakoak, bestetik. Azkenik , bigarren hizkuntzaren prozesamendua izango dugu hi zpide, baita eragiten dioten zenbait faktore ere .; In this article I explain how language is produced and understood. To this purpose principal models of lang uage comprehension and language production are mentioned: on the one hand , the "classic" accounts, and on the other, the "modern" (or recent) ones. 1 also focus on the second language processing and some crucial factors it is influenced by

On The Nature Of Clitics And Their Sensitivity To Number Attraction Effects

Pronominal dependencies have been shown to be more resilient to attraction effects than subject-verb agreement. We use this phenomenon to investigate whether antecedent-clitic dependencies in Spanish are computed like agreement or like pronominal dependencies. In Experiment 1, an acceptability judgment self-paced reading task was used. Accuracy data yielded reliable attraction effects in both grammatical and ungrammatical sentences, only in singular (but not plural) clitics. Reading times did not show reliable attraction effects. In Experiment 2, we measured electrophysiological responses to violations, which elicited a biphasic frontal negativity-P600 pattern. Number attraction modulated the frontal negativity but not the amplitude of the P600 component. This differs from ERP findings on subject-verb agreement, since when the baseline matching condition obtained a biphasic pattern, attraction effects only modulated the P600, not the preceding negativity. We argue that these findings support cue-retrieval accounts of dependency resolution and further suggest that the sensitivity to attraction effects shown by clitics resembles more the computation of pronominal dependencies than that of agreement.This research has been supported by grants from the Spanish Ministerio de Economia y Competitividad and Ministerio de Ciencia e Innovacion (FFI2014-55733-P; FFI2015-64183-P; RYC-2010-06520, RYC-2013-14722), and the Basque Government (IT665-13)

Agents Strongly Preferred: ERP Evidence from Natives and Non-Natives Processing Intransitive Sentences in Spanish

Are non-native speakers able to process their second language in a native-like way? The present study used the Event-Related Potentials’ (ERPs) method to address this issue by focusing (1) on agent vs. agentless intransitive sentences and (2) on person vs. number agreement morphology. For that purpose, native and high proficiency and early non-native speakers of Spanish were tested while processing intransitive sentences containing grammatical and ungrammatical subject–verb agreement. Results reveal greater accuracy in the agent (unergative) condition as compared with the agentless (unaccusative) condition and different ERP patterns for both types of verbs in all participants, suggesting a larger processing cost for the agentless sentences than for the agentive ones. These effects were more pronounced in the native group as compared with the non-native one in the early time window (300–500 ms). Differences between person and number agreement processing were also found at both behavioral and electrophysiological levels, indicating that those morphological features are distinctively processed. Importantly, this pattern of results held for both native and non-native speakers, thus suggesting that native-like competence is attainable given early Age of Acquisition (AoA), frequent use and high proficiency.This research was supported by grants from the Spanish Ministerio de Ciencia e Innovación (FPI-2017-BES-2016-076456) (G.M.d.l.H.), Ministerio de Ciencia, Innovación y Universidades (PID2019-104016GB-I00), and the Basque Government (IT1169-19)

Euskal Gramatika prozesatzen: Hastapenetako zenbait emaitza

Beñat Oihartzabali Gorazarre: Festschrift for Bernard Oyharçabal / Ricardo Etxepare, Ricardo Gómez, Joseba Andoni Lakarra (arg./eds)[EN] After a brief introduction to ERP methods in the study of language, we report some recent results from a set of experiments investigating morphosyntactic processing in Basque. First we report results from experiments that focus on word-order processing, with special attention to verb medial sentences, where subjects show no preference for either SVO or OVS orders, in contrast with the sharp asymmetry found in SOV versus OSV orders in previous work. Second, we report results from a set of conductual and ERP experiments targeted to explore object agreement, which suggest that it is neurocognitively distinct from subject agreement.Ikertzaileek BRAINGLOT, CSD2007-00012/CONSOLIDER-INGENIO 2010 (MICINN), SEJ2007-60751/PSIC (MEC), eta GIU06/52 (Eusko Jaurlaritza-EHU) proiektuen babesa jaso dute

Brain regions that process case: Evidence from basque

The aim of this event-related fMRI study was to investigate the cortical networks involved in case processing, an operation that is crucial to language comprehension yet whose neural underpinnings are not well-understood. What is the relationship of these networks to those that serve other aspects of syntactic and semantic processing? Participants read Basque sentences that contained case violations, number agreement violations or semantic anomalies, or that were both syntactically and semantically correct. Case violations elicited activity increases, compared to correct control sentences, in a set of parietal regions including the posterior cingulate, the precuneus, and the left and right inferior parietal lobules. Number agreement violations also elicited activity increases in left and right inferior parietal regions, and additional activations in the left and right middle frontal gyrus. Regions-of-interest analyses showed that almost all of the clusters that were responsive to case or number agreement violations did not differentiate between these two. In contrast, the left and right anterior inferior frontal gyrus and the dorsomedial prefrontal cortex were only sensitive to semantic violations. Our results suggest that whereas syntactic and semantic anomalies clearly recruit distinct neural circuits, case, and number violations recruit largely overlapping neural circuits and that the distinction between the two rests on the relative contributions of parietal and prefrontal regions, respectively. Furthermore, our results are consistent with recently reported contributions of bilateral parietal and dorsolateral brain regions to syntactic processing, pointing towards potential extensions of current neurocognitive theories of language. Hum Brain Mapp, 2012. © 2011 Wiley Periodicals, Inc

Processing differences between person and number:A theoretical interpretation

The literature on processing of person and number agreement contains some apparently contradictory results. On the one hand, some ERP studies do not find a qualitative difference between person and number when an agreeing verb does not match the features of its subject, the controller of the agreement relation (Silva-Pereyra and Carreiras, 2007; Zawiszewski et al., 2016). On the other hand, an ERP study reported in Mancini et al. (2011b) did find a qualitative difference between agreement violations in person and agreement violations in number, a result further corroborated by an fMRI study reported in Mancini et al. (2017). At the same time, there is also a trend on which the literature appears to agree: on the whole the response to agreement violations in person is stronger than the response to number agreement violations. In this paper we argue that the constellation of reported results can be accounted for by adopting a theory of person and number features that has the following two core properties: (i) pronouns are specified for both person and number, but regular NPs are specified for number only and do not carry any person specification; (ii) all of first, second and third person are characterized by one or more person features, whereas, in contrast, one of the numbers (singular) corresponds to the absence of number features

Ks. Stanisław Łach, Rozwój ofiar w religii starotestamentowej (Sprawy Biblijne; Poznań 1970)

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