Comparative Party System Analysis in Central and Eastern Europe: the Case of the Baltic States

The nature of the party systems in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) has puzzled many scholars. High instability of the party systems and their specifi c evolution makes the application of theoretical models designed predominately for Western European party politics problematic. The paper puts forward the argument that we should further elaborate and specify the models for a small N comparative party system analysis in CEE countries and to incorporate some region specifi c components into the framework. The essential dimensions included into proposed comparative framework are as follows: (1) the stability of the party system, (2) party system fragmentation, (3) parties’ penetration into society, (4) the ideology and origins of the major parties, (5) the dominant cleavage constellations framing the party competition (6) the strength of the party organizations. The above-mentioned dimensions are expected to capture the most important aspects that make the diff erence between the party systems in general, and each dimension is complemented with the specifi c additional variables suitable for party system analysis in CEE in particular. The framework will be tested on the Baltic States, which party systems are often regarded to be very similar to each other. However, the analysis will demonstrate that based on the above-mentioned framework, very signifi cant and noteworthy diff erences will be revealed

Comparative Party System Analysis in Central and Eastern Europe: the Case of the Baltic States

"The nature of the party systems in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) has puzzled many scholars. High instability of the party systems and their specific evolution makes the application of theoretical models designed predominately for Western European party politics problematic. The paper puts forward the argument that we should further elaborate and specify the models for a small N comparative party system analysis in CEE countries and to incorporate some region specific components into the framework. The essential dimensions included into proposed comparative framework are as follows: (1) the stability of the party system, (2) party system fragmentation, (3) parties’ penetration into society, (4) the ideology and origins of the major parties, (5) the dominant cleavage constellations framing the party competition (6) the strength of the party organizations. The above-mentioned dimensions are expected to capture the most important aspects that make the difference between the party systems in general, and each dimension is complemented with the specific additional variables suitable for party system analysis in CEE in particular. The framework will be tested on the Baltic States, which party systems are often regarded to be very similar to each other. However, the analysis will demonstrate that based on the above-mentioned framework, very significant and noteworthy differences will be revealed." (author's abstract

When a Right-Wing Populist Party Inherits a Mass Party Organisation: The Case of EKRE

When the Eesti Konservatiivne Rahvaerakond (EKRE, Estonian Conservative People’s Party) took over the defunct but extensive party organisation of the Estonian People’s Union, it placed great emphasis on rebooting and extending the organisation and bringing in new activists. As a result, EKRE has grown into a full-fledged mass party type of organisation with all the characteristics associated to it. Furthermore, it has become the fastest-growing party in Estonia in terms of membership and been notably successful in electoral terms. This article focuses primarily on the question of how EKRE developed a mass party organisation with a strong, ideologically-devoted activist core and a remarkable presence on the ground. The article also demonstrates how the party offers a variety of opportunities for engagement to its members. In contrast to an archetypical right-wing populist party, the decision-making power is somewhat diffused within the party, though the party leader remains the public face and mouthpiece of the party. EKRE’s online engagement strategies have been among the most successful in recent Estonian politics and make the party stand out. The article demonstrates that parties can often revise as well as repurpose the features of the predecessor parties and even build defunct mainstream parties into mass parties with a firm ideological core

Ägeda bakteriaalse rinosinusiidi tüsistused. Kirjanduse ülevaade

Äge bakteriaalne rinosinusiit (ÄBRS) on nina ja ninakõrvalurgete limaskesta põletik, mille puhul sümptomid püsivad tavaliselt paranemise märgita üle 10 päeva või ägenevad esialgse paranemise järel. ÄBRSi silmakoopa, koljusisese või luukoe haaratusega kulgevaid tüsistusi esineb harva, kuid need on potentsiaalselt eluohtlikud. ÄBRSi tüsistuste korral on vajalik infitseerunud paranasaalsiinuse kohene dreenimine, ravi alustamine antibiootikumidega ja põletikutekitaja tuvastamine. Tavaliselt on agressiivsema kuluga rinosinusiit seotud Streptococcus anginosus’e rühma mikroobide tekitatud infektsiooniga

Ägeda bakteriaalse rinosinusiidi tüsistused. Kirjanduse ülevaade

Äge bakteriaalne rinosinusiit (ÄBRS) on nina ja ninakõrvalurgete limaskesta põletik, mille puhul sümptomid püsivad tavaliselt paranemise märgita üle 10 päeva või ägenevad esialgse paranemise järel. ÄBRSi silmakoopa, koljusisese või luukoe haaratusega kulgevaid tüsistusi esineb harva, kuid need on potentsiaalselt eluohtlikud. ÄBRSi tüsistuste korral on vajalik infitseerunud paranasaalsiinuse kohene dreenimine, ravi alustamine antibiootikumidega ja põletikutekitaja tuvastamine. Tavaliselt on agressiivsema kuluga rinosinusiit seotud Streptococcus anginosus’e rühma mikroobide tekitatud infektsiooniga

Romania - Polity Contestation and the Resilience of Mainstream Parties

ERC POLCON project funded

Liberal Democracy in Estonia: Cracks Behind the Seemingly Spotless Façade

Estonia is often seen as a model student among the post-communist countries. Many renowned think tanks and organizations measuring the quality of democracy (e.g., Freedom House, Varieties of Democracy, Bertelsmann Foundation) often give Estonia the highest scores in the region. However, the seemingly spotless façade hides growing tensions and emergent contradictions. The current paper will focus on the two most worrisome trends that have become evident in recent years, if not even earlier: (1) the limited success in integrating the large Russian-speaking minority and (2) the rise of the populist radical right. The failure to integrate the ethnic minorities would increase frustration and political alienation among Russian speakers, making it more difficult to build a healthy, cohesive democratic community. However, the rise of the populist radical right, namely the remarkable electoral success of EKRE (Estonian Conservative People’s Party), has proven to be a bigger challenge because it demonstrates that many Estonians are deeply dissatisfied with how democracy works in their country. The article discusses whether it would be possible for dissatisfied Estonians and Russians to join forces to challenge the current liberal democratic model in Estonia. The analysis shows that even if the initial attempts have failed, one could not entirely rule out that prospect