Cely家書翰集の英語と大法院標準形 : Cely家の英語の綴字法を中心として

Chancery established a standardized written dialect about 1430, and spread it throughout England by 1460. In the absence of any other standard model for writing in the vernacular, Chancery Standard was accepted as an everyday language among the literati. The Cely Letters begin in 1472 and end in 1488. The Celys were wool merchants in London, whose interests were mostly in city affairs and in their business. Needless to say, they could write and read fairly well, though they are said to have been "less sophisticated than the Pastons". How Chancery Standard might influence private business correspondence can be seen easily if we arrange the documents in chronological order and examine the process by which certain regional forms are being driven out by the standard forms. So far as the Cely Letters are concerned, the result of a close examination of the spellings suggests that the situation is not so simple as may be expected. Firstly, inconsistency is seen in the spelling system of the Cely family. It is characterized by mixtures of various regional spellings, among which the ones current in London English must have been included in part. Secondly, the Celys left a small number of letters in a short period. Much more would be desirable to examine the influence of Chancery Standard on the Cely papers, because standardization takes a long time to complete. Thirdly, the influence is hard to ascertain at first sight, even if the spelling might resemble that of Chancery, because there are some occasions where we are in doubt as to whether it was adopted from Chancery Standard, or as to whether it was an original one of the Celys\u27. This comes from the fact that Chancery Standard was developed "by imitating the written official language of the Londoners and by substituting a few of its usages to suit its own preference", in the process of which forms and spellings were adopted from some dialects. Now, the linguistic development seen in John Paston II will be a helpful clue to the problem. A few of the Chancery spellings are seen in his 86 letters left between 1452 and 1496; but some of his spellings are provincial (mixtures of East-Anglian spellings), and others resemble those of the Signet Office. This is because the language of the Signet Office was "a model worthy of imitation", and more important to him than Chancery Standard, as he was a courtier all through his life. He did not necessarily write by means of Chancery Standard, which had been accomplished as "a writing model for lawyers", in order to write his own private letters. He kept some of his old spellings if they were permitted among courtiers. This is why more non-Chancery spellings are found in the letters of John II than those of John III who was a successful lawyer and councillor. The Celys were wool merchants rather than courtiers, but their case is similar to John II\u27s. It is true that the Celys used a few of the Chancery spellings in their letters, but the movement towards standardization is not so remarkable as may be expected. Their language is said to be characterized by "mixtures of various spellings of various dialects". Their spellings, however, belong approximately to the language in London which might be a closer and more authoritative "standard language" to them than Chancery Standard, acquiring the position of another prominent class-dialect of the businessmen in and around the City. They wrote their business letters and their contracts in it. Here again, they were not professional scribes, and did not write pleas to the court nor petitions to Chancery. They wrote their own private business letters. Their letters would not have been nullified, even though they had written in their own language. Chancery Standard was being spread as "a model for writing" around the Celys, as is shown in the language development observed in A Book of London English edited by R. W. Chambers and Marjorie Daunt, but it might be counted as one of the dialects by the Celys, who had learned "various local dialects as the result of various influences to which they had been exposed early in life". Thus the influence of Chancery Standard upon the spelling system of the Celys must be said to be very slight, so far as we know it in their private letters. Chancery Standard, which had been developed as a standard language for lawyers, appears to have been still unfamiliar even to "the literati in and around the City" in 1480s

Fastolf家書翰集の綴字法と語形についての一考察

As Samuels says, the \u27regionally mixed spelling systems\u27 in the Paston Letters are attributed to the various linguistic habits which the scribes gained through their experiences in life. He continues, \u27Some retained their dialect orthography (type A) or modified it later in life (types C and D); and there were doubtless others who were initially taught some variant of types C and D, and retained that, with or without modification.\u27 So are the cases of the six servants who wrote the letters from the Fastolfs. Each one shows his own variable features of linguistic form. Some preserve conservative spellings or word forms, and others make a progressive move towards the reformation of their lingurstic habits. Some spellings and word forms which are similar to Chancery English are found even in their first letters. This, however, does not immediately warrant the conclusion that Chancery English had an influence upon them. First, these forms may have been original with them. Second, Chancery English was still unknown to people throughout England when they were employed by Fastolf as his servants, and began to write their letters at Fastolf\u27s manor house. Moreover, the letters extant show no increasing signs of Chancery forms. This is very strange, judging from the special circumstances of the Fastolfs. According to Richardson\u27s remark, Chancery should already have established its standard form and spread it throughout English as a language of law by 1460. If so, why should they not adopt it positively in their everyday use to modernise their linguistic habits? The use of Chancery English must have dignified them in the court. But, in fact, their spellings and word forms remained as they were all through the period of their letter writing. So, there is little possibility of their immitating Chancery forms and acquiring them personally. It is true that some spellings and word forms in the letters from the Fastolfs may resemble those of Chancery, but the dialect atlas tells us almost all of them correspond with allographs and allomorphs which were in general use at Caister. There might be a few which originated in Chancery, but they are no longer called Chancery forms. This is not because they were brought about in their letters by means of personal imitation, but because they were adopted by the people at Caister as a result of their intercourse with London and other big cities. They must have been developing into a new type of dialect. The scribes of the letters from the Fastolfs used this type of dialect (types C and D, as Samuels calls them) from beginning to end. Davis\u27s remark that, Their letters show something of the complexity of the process by which regional men of varied experience moved towards a common form of written English\u27 does not mean that their spellings and word forms were modernised by repeating trial and error under the influence of Chancery English. It will mean that they moved sometimes towards modernisation and sometimes towards degeneration in the process of development of the dialect of Caister, and that they were nothing less than the dialect of Caister which was changing rapidly

A Study of Methods of Model Formulation and Assessment to Construct Models of Effective Program Implementation Based on a Nationwide Survey of Support Providers Based on Implementation of Critical Ingredients of an Employment Transition Support Program for Persons with Disabilities and Analysis of Factors Governing that Implementation

The purpose of this study is to examine model formulation and assessment approaches in order to construct an effective model of program implementation using results of a nationwide survey of support providers. This study examined the development of methods of formulating and assessing effective models of program implementation based on the example of the employment transition support program for persons with disabilities pursuant to the Services and Support for Persons with Disabilities Act.Measurement of its performance primarily via the employment transition rate also demonstrated the effectiveness of program implementation in accordance with this model. And results indicated that the Nationwide Survey of Support Providers is an effective approach to construction of an effective model of program implementation. Though there are some points that should be examined, this approach using results of a nationwide survey of support providers is proven to be effective

The quality of life among persons with severe mental illness enrolled in an assertive community treatment program in Japan: 1-year follow-up and analyses

BACKGROUND: Toward effective community care for persons with severe mental illness and deinstitutionalization in Japan, we assessed the impact of the first trial of an assertive community treatment program on the lives and subjective perceptions of persons with mental illness without closing hospitals. METHODS: Forty-three subjects were enrolled from the newly admitted patients of a hospital, who met our criteria of problematic hospital use, severity of psychiatric disorders, and behavioral problems. The intervention team aimed to intensively support them in various life domains in their communities to decrease clients' admissions. The Quality of Life Interview was administered at baseline and after 12 months. Data were analyzed to assess the pre-post changes in their QOL, and were explained in association with other descriptive variables. RESULTS: The objective changes included increase in persons whose longest residence in a year were in communities, increase in income, and decrease in family contacts. Most subjective items were not changed except the decrease in satisfaction with family relationships. Satisfaction with family relationships was negatively correlated with hospital days at 1 year follow-up after controlling for symptoms, but was not so at baseline. Also, correlation between satisfaction with family relationships and global well-being was attenuated. A change in the positioning of family by clients and the autonomy of clients were suggested. However, previous studies showed that dissatisfaction with family relationships predicted rehospitalizations independently from symptoms, and our findings suggest our subjects' characteristics and a possible improvement in community-based care. CONCLUSION: Our program predominantly fulfilled the primary goal, but it must be further refined to reflect the detailed characteristics of the target population and resource distribution. Assessing subjective perceptions, or the QOL of clients is useful for evaluating the program localization

Factors Related to Attitudes toward Seeking Professional Psychological Help among Japanese Junior High and High School Students

To develop intervention methods of primary prevention for adolescents who are at high risk for mental health disorders, we investigated help-seeking behavior (HSB) and factors related to HSB. We distributed questionnaires to 1222 junior high (age, 13.55 ± 0.5 years) (mean ± SD) and high school students (age, 16.56 ± 0.49 years) in Japan. A total of 1168 questionnaires were answered and returned. Correlation analysis and multiple linear regression analysis were conducted to determine HSB and related factors scales. Among the sample students, 39% had previous knowledge of mental health consultation. However, only 10% said they would seek out a mental health specialist. Friends or senior students were frequently chosen (70%) as the initial consultant. Using multiple regression linear analysis, we found that image of and stigma towards psychiatry and psychological counseling and knowledge of mental health to be factors related to HSB. High school students were more likely than junior high students to display HSB. Initially, students tended to choose friends and family rather than specialized professional support for their mental health concerns. The image of psychiatry, knowledge of services and stigma towards mental health problems and services were related factors. We conclude that educational programs that include students, parents, family and friends are needed for early intervention to change the general image and knowledge of specialized mental health services to increase HSB

Measuring Relative-Story Displacement and Local Inclination Angle Using Multiple Position-Sensitive Detectors

We propose a novel sensor system for monitoring the structural health of a building. The system optically measures the relative-story displacement during earthquakes for detecting any deformations of building elements. The sensor unit is composed of three position sensitive detectors (PSDs) and lenses capable of measuring the relative-story displacement precisely, even if the PSD unit was inclined in response to the seismic vibration. For verification, laboratory tests were carried out using an Xθ-stage and a shaking table. The static experiment verified that the sensor could measure the local inclination angle as well as the lateral displacement. The dynamic experiment revealed that the accuracy of the sensor was 150 μm in the relative-displacement measurement and 100 μrad in the inclination angle measurement. These results indicate that the proposed sensor system has sufficient accuracy for the measurement of relative-story displacement in response to the seismic vibration

Seismic exploration at Fuji volcano with active sources : The outline of the experiment and the arrival time data

Fuji volcano (altitude 3,776m) is the largest basaltic stratovolcano in Japan. In late August and early September 2003, seismic exploration was conducted around Fuji volcano by the detonation of 500 kg charges of dynamite to investigate the seismic structure of that area. Seismographs with an eigenfrequency of 2 Hz were used for observation, positioned along a WSW-ENE line passing through the summit of the mountain. A total of 469 seismic stations were installed at intervals of 250-500 m. The data were stored in memory on-site using data loggers. The sampling interval was 4 ms. Charges were detonated at 5 points, one at each end of the observation line and 3 along its length. The first arrival times and the later-phase arrival times at each station for each detonation were recorded as data. P-wave velocities in the surface layer were estimated from the travel time curves near the explosion points, with results of 2.5 km/s obtained for the vicinity of Fuji volcano and 4.0 km5/s elsewhere

Paston家書翰集の英語と"pe langage off pe worshypfull Londonerys"

The Pastons developed their language by acquiring different linguistic habits from their predecessor. N. Davis suggests, "They were conscious of a model worthy of imitation. "Then what language did they imitate? Some of the spellings and the word forms found in London English are rather modern, but others historical and regional. This is "because several dialects were mingled up together according as the population flowed into London". Through this process "an incipient standard written language" was established about the end of the 14th century. This might be the language used at the Inns of Court at which William I was educated. The first generation, William I\u27s spellings are "generally close to the practice of good manuscripts of his time", but some of his word forms remain historical and regional. The character of his language is very near to that written standard in London. He did not change his linguistic habits all through his life. Chancery established "the standard for bureaucratic and legal language, and spread it throughout England by 1460". The second generation, John I, William II and Clement graduated from Cambridge. The spellings and the word forms in their early letters are highly characteristic of Norfolk writers. They were slow to improve their Norfolk hands because "Norfolk spellings were accepted at Cambridge". Fisher says, "the members of the family who went to the university continued to write the English of their Norfolk relatives". But their language changed little by little when they wrote from London in 1460. They might begin to adopt the Chancery standard forms. The third generation, John II, and John III, also, changed their linguistic habits after 1470, by imitating the Chancery standard. But they did not standardize all the spellings and all the word forms. Perhaps they did not need to do so, because they were not professional scribes, and because they did not write official documents; even so, they were not necessarily indifferent to the Chancery standard. The language of the signet office was much more important to them. This was being developed "by the royal scribes on the basis of one type of written standard dialect in London", and was used in the loyal court. For those who took service in the loyal court, it must have been "pe langage off worshypfull Londonerys". They did not dare to change the spellings and the word forms which were accepted in the loyal court, even if they were non-Chancery forms. This proves that various non-Chancery spellings and word forms are seen in the letters written by John II who lived as a courtier. Edmond II was educated at Staple Inn. William II graduated from Eton, and Walter from Oxford. Fisher\u27s suggestion of their linguistic change is not correct. Many of the Chancery standard forms are also found in their letters. The education that they had received was "under the influence of Chancery". Now, "the Chancery standard was completely accepted among the literates". So they could not go on without having much to do with the standardization of their language. Not only John II and John III, but also the members of the family who went to the university began to use the Chancery standard after they went to London