Sobre el Horologion de Melecio Karma.

Sin resume

¿Qué les queda a las putas para jactarse? Una invectiva paleoislámica de subtemática promartirial

El marco ğāhilī en el que se sitúa la pieza, atribuida a Hind bint U h, sirve para representar la depravación de los Banū Umayyah, como representantes del mundo pagano al que el nuevo modelo político-religioso, el islam, trata de dejar atrás. La autora, para ello, contrapone dos modelos político-religiosos distintos utilizando un preciso lenguaje con el que arremete sexual y culturalmente contra Hind bint Rab `ah, que actúa como símbolo de paganismo anti-islámico cuyos máximos representantes caen en la mítica batalla de Badr. Frente a ello, los musulmanes caídos en U ud simbolizan la entrega auto-martirial del musulmán como representante del nuevo modelo.The djāhilī framework in which the poetic piece attributed to Hind bint Uth th h is located, represents the depravation of the Banū Umayyah, who symbolize the pagan world that should be transcended by the new political-religious model, Islam. The author confronts two different political-religious models using precise language to attack Hind bint Rabī `ah from both sexual and cultural viewpoints. Opposite Hind bint Rabī `ah, who acts like an anti-Islamic pagan symbol, the leaders of which died in the mythical battle of Badr, we find the Muslims killed in U ud who symbolize the self-martyrdom offering like representatives of the new model

Tres notes de lexicologia semítica: entre l'arameu, l'àrab i el grec

The linguistic make-up of the Syro-Palestinian Church comprised two clearly differentiated sectors: the Greek-speaking coastal regions and Hellenised cities, on the one hand, and the inland regions, on the other, where a variety of dialects were spoken. This geographical division was only a partial factor, however. Although the tendency of individuals to group together in Greek and Aramaic-speaking areas was initially determined by social inertia strongly influenced by reasons of language, the subsequent Arabo-Islamic occupation brought with it a new linguistic factor – Arabic. Contrary to the opinion of some scholars, Aramaic was also spoken in the major cities and towns. It is known that Palestine was a highly active centre of Greek culture at the time of the Arabo-Islamic occupation; it also known that for a brief period of time Greek continued to be the language of the new Islamic Arab state. However, the Greek language of the Islamic Arab state was used not by Greek officials, the latter having fled with Heraclius, but by the Syriacs. The presence of the ‘language of the Syrians’ (an expression frequently found in Greek texts from the 4th century onwards) appears to have been much greater than believed until very recently. The Aramaic speakers of Syria, Palestine and Mesopotamia not only kept alive the various Aramaic dialects used in everyday life, but they also knew Greek. The constant contact between Greek and the various Aramaic dialects, therefore, contributed to the exchange of cultural elements both in the Christian and the Jewish world. It is in this context that the present article proposes the following three etymologies: (1) An Aramaic-Arabic hapax: the Arabic síq is a form deriving from the Palestinian Christian- Aramaic síq, with a total consonantal shift from the Aramaic and a vocalic interference as a result of the transition from Greek to Aramaic. The sequence would be as follows: síq (Arabic) < síq (Aramaic) < shkov¿, ‘enclosure’, ‘monastery’. (2) An Aramaic loan-word: sábún < sapúná: in verse 1 of the sixth stanza of zejel no. 137 by the Cordoban writer Ibn Quzmán (12th century), we find a term which had previously been supposed to be Romance in origin: sábún, ‘soap’, with the article, which in Hispano Arabic must have been realized as sábún. The loan-word sábún entered Arabic directly from Aramaic. The word has been documented in Hebrew, rabbinical Aramaic and Syriac. (3) A possible Semitic word that failed to prosper: the author is inclined to think that the word endib/via, ‘endive’, was formed from ejntuvbi

Apostillas a una inscripción judeoaramea procedente de la sinagoga de Dura-Europos

En la presente nota ofrecemos una serie de tres apostillas con la intención de resolver los problemas de ledura que presenta la inscripción judeoaramea procedente de Dura-Europos objeto de este estudioOur aim in the present note is to provide a series of three comments intending to solve the problems of reading that this Jewish Aramaic iwaiption from Dura-Europos offers

Un daimónion llamado

Sumarios de revistas del Servicio de Publicaciones de la UC

“Apologética racionalista” de Abñ Qurrah en el Maymar fÌ wuÞñd al-.ªliq wa-l-dÌn al-qawÌm II/2,12-14

In this paper we offer the translation and study of Abñ Qurrah’s section II,2,12- 14 included in his Maymar fÌ wuÞñd al-.ªliq wa-l-dÌn al-qawÌm. Abñ Qurrah’s aim in the 2nd part of his work is to demonstrate that Christianity is the only true reli- gion. In this sense, Abñ Qurrah sets out his analytic method of an apologetic kind, which he developes from a rationalist criteria with a clear comparative nature. The way in which Abñ Qurrah is showing his method is through an expositive, moralist or scriptural discourse according to his requirements.Traducción y estudio de la sección II,2,12-14 del Maymar fÌ wuÞñd al-.ªliq wa-l-dÌn al-qawÌm de Teodoro Abñ Qurrah. Buscando demostrar que el cristianismo es la única religión verdadera, Abñ Qurrah plantea un método analítico de corte apologético que desarrolla a partir de criterios racionalistas de naturaleza comparatista, adoptando para ello un discurso expositivo, moralista o escriturista en cada caso, de acuerdo con sus necesidades

Portrait of the pre-Islamic queen Ma‘wiyā in Karšūnī. Analysis of the Arabic version from its Syriac Aramaic original

En el presente trabajo estudiamos un fragmento sobre la reina árabe Ma`wiya incluido en la Crónica de Miguel el Grande (m. 1199 AD) en su versión karshuni, comparada con el original siriaco, con el objeto de poder valorar las diversas estrategias y técnicas utilizadas por el traductor al verter el texto siriaco al árabe.In this paper we study a fragment about the Arab queen Ma‘wiyā included in the karšūnī version of Michael the Great’s Chronicle (d. 1199 BC) compared with the Syriac Vorlage. Our aim is to analyze the differences between the Syriac text and its Arabic version rendered by the translator

Documento fundacional en árabe del monasterio de santa Catalina en el Monte Sinaí.

The stablishment of groups of asceties on Mount Sinai is still far away from getting a clear and complet knowledge of its origin. The manuscript document which we ofler attempts to contribute to it, as it stands for an Arabic version of an ancient document which goes back to 6th century. As there are some Arabic documents which gather similar accounts, as well as by the philological evídences which arise, it calI to think that our document is the version of a Greek original text which is earlier than 6th century, and where is reported the foundation and the ups and downs in which the monks of the monastery of St. Catharine on Mount Sinai were involved alí along the time.El origen de los establecimientos de grupos de ascetas en el Monte Sinaí todavía no lo conocemos de forma clara y pormenorizada. El documento manuscrito que aquí presentamos pretende contribuir a ello, ya que representa una versión árabe de un antiguo documento que se remonta al siglo VI. La existencia de documentos árabes que recogen narracíones s[milares, así como las evidencias filológicas que se derivan, invitan a pensar que nuestro documento representa la versión de un original griego anterior al siglo VI, donde se relata la historia fundacional y los avatares a los que se vieron sometidos los monjes del Monasterio de santa Catalina, en el Monte Sinaí

An unknown Eastern Arabic Gospel in Toledo (Ms. 387 of the BRC–LM)

En este trabajo presentamos una descripción general del ms. 387 de la Biblioteca Regional de Castilla-La Mancha, aún inédito y que se halla ausente de los catálogos de mss. árabes, a la par que indagamos la procedencia coptoárabe de esta versión árabe.My aim in this paper is to offer a general description of the MS 387 in the Biblioteca Regional of Castilla-La Mancha. This MS still remains unedited and it has not been included in any catalogue about Arabic MSS. At the same time, we have specified the Copto-Arabic origin of this Arabic translation

Una versión árabe cristiana del texto syro-hexaplar de Pablo de Tellā. Estudio filológico de la embajada al monarca de los amorreos (Nm. 21,21-35)

El presente artículo ofrece la edición diplomática, su traducción al español y el estudio filológico del fragmento correspondiente a Nm 21,21-35, de acuerdo con la versión árabe del texto siriaco que Pablo de Tellā tradujo a partir de un original griego de las Hexaplas de Orígenes. El objetivo principal del artículo es estudiar las técnicas y estrategias adoptadas por el traductor árabe al verter en árabe el texto hexaplar sir.In the present article we offer the diplomatic edition, its translation into Spanish, and the philological study of the fragment corresponding to Nm 21,21-35, according to the Arabic version of the Syriac text translated by Paul of Tellā from a Greek original of the Hexaplar text of Origen. The aim of the article is to study the techniques and strategies adopted by the Arabic translator when rendering into Arabic the hexaplar Siriac text.peerReviewe