Democratic Deliberation in the Context of Deep Pluralism and Mass Democracy. A Case for an Epistemic Idea of Public Reason

The papers of this thesis are not available in Munin. Paper 1.: Jarymowicz, T.: “Robert Post’s Theory of Freedom of Speech: A Critique of the Reductive Conception of Political Liberty“. Available in Philosophy & Social Criticism 2014, 40(1): 107-123. Paper 2.: Jarymowicz, T.: “Free Speech and the Public Sphere in Robert Post’s Theory of Freedom of Expression”. (Manuscript). Paper 3: Jarymowicz, T.: “On Democratic Deliberation: Epistemically Better Outcomes and Equal Respect”. (Manuscript). Paper 4: Jarymowicz, T.: “Activism in Deliberative Systems – An Insight from the Epistemic Injustice Approach”. (Manuscript).This doctoral dissertation’s aim is to answer the question of how citizens should talk to each other about matters of public interest in the context of deep pluralism and mass democracy. Specifically, I advocate a strong moral basis of equal respect as a guiding norm in democratic deliberation. This guiding norm entails an epistemic idea of public reason that can make sure that democratic procedure can be judged according to whether the preferences and interests of all the affected are reflected in democratic outcomes for good reasons. I present the conflict between pure proceduralists who have no standard other than procedure itself to judge the democratic outcomes and deliberative democrats who can judge them based on ideal procedure. I argue that deliberative democrats’ account answers to the fact of deep pluralism and mass democracy better given that it has a promising epistemic element in it. However, in my opinion this element is too weak to make a non-trivial difference in comparison with pure proceduralism. Consequently, I advocate a procedure based on substantive and procedural idea of equal respect. The substantive dimension of equal respect is transformed into a moral standard whose task is to increase the possibility for democracy to give epistemically better results. The procedural part of equal respect ensures that this moral principle is not perfectionist. Since such a procedural account may be considered too demanding, I also make a case for a deliberative activism within deliberative system. Such activism combines deliberative capacity with contestation, which allows it to reconcile equal respect with the conditions of mass democracy and deep pluralism. This way moral principle of equal respect is put into a the systemic context

Ideas regulatory mechanisms: Ideal self complexity and social attitudes

When do ideals influence functioning? The author assumes that the high complexity of the ideal self favors social attitudes consistent with axiological standards. Two correlative studies are presented: Study 1, with the participation of students from the University of Warsaw (N = 118), and Study 2, with the participation of young Internet users (N = 326). The hypothesis predicted that the number of ideal self attributes would correlate with egalitarian and pro-life attitudes. In both studies, participants were supposed to generate traits of the ideal self-reflecting its complexity (ISC). In Study 1, the asymmetry effect in the ratings of physical dictance between Self and Outgroup members was measured. In Study 2, a questionnaire was applied to measure attitudes towards egalitarian and pro-life rules. The results of both studies show that groups with lower ISC levels displayed a more stereotypical perception of distance between Self and Outgroup members as well as less egalitarian and less pro-life attitudes compared to groups with higher ISC levels

Universalism and particularism in the politics of emancipation - false alternative

Niniejszy artykuł zajmuje się kwestią uniwersalizmu i partykularyzmu oraz ich znaczeniem dla polityki mniejszości. Celem autora jest pokazanie, że jeśli napięcie pomiędzy uniwersalizmem a partykularyzmem nie jest sproblematyzowane w polityce emancypacyjnej, to taka polityka staję się jedynie deklaratywna, a jej potencjał wolnościowy znika. Na początku autor przedstawia krytykę pragmatyzmu Richarda Rortiego, który całkowicie lekceważy element partykularystyczny w każdej polityce mniejszościowej. Następnie analizuje stosunek Judith Butler do problemu uniwersalizmu. Artykuł zamyka teoria agonistycznej demokracji Ernesto Laclau'a, która, zdaniem autora, najlepiej zwraca uwagę na problem uniwersalizmu i partykularyzmu w polityce mniejszości.The article deals with the issue of universalism versus particularism and its implication for minority politics. It will be argued that without the problematization of the tension between universalism and particularism the emancipatory potential of minority politics is lost and remains only a declaration. The author begins with the critique of Richard Rorty's pragmatism which disregards the particularist content in every minority politics. Later the author moves on to present Judith Butler's stance towards universalism and he concludes with Ernesto Laclau's theory of agonist democracy where the problem of universalism and particularism is, in the author's view, best taken into account when minority politics is at stake

Comprehensive doctrines in the public sphere – A case for politicization

The problem with religious reasons is not whether they should be present in the public sphere but how they should be present. Political theorists such as Jeremy Waldron, Juergen Habermas, and Christina Lafont have favored two approaches to making religion legitimate in the public sphere. They have either tried to work out the conditions under which religious reasons can contribute to public sphere in a fruitful way or they have drawn attention to the moral content of religious principles. However, I argue that the latter approach relies too heavily on the propositional content of religious arguments to the detriment of investigating how they are politicized in the public sphere. It is my conviction that without looking at how given religious morality is politicized, a false moral consensus is manufactured, which given the motivational pull of religion can be dangerous. Furthermore, the article makes a case for a more realistic idea of a public sphere where other comprehensive doctrines such as feminism or economism are taken into account as well. Moreover, the evaluation of religious reasons should include their relationship to a given background political culture, which will increase a critical edge of a political theory

Toleration: Conflict Resolution Method in Pluralist Societies or a Tool of Discrimination?

The article is an extended argument for a positive conception of toleration. First, it examines and ultimately rejects reductive interpretations of toleration proposed by David Heyd and Wendy Brown that stem from deflationary and deconstructive readings respectively. It is argued that deconstructive reading is not satisfactory because it perpetuates and amplifies rather than solves paradoxes of toleration, whereas Heyd’s reading does not recognise the importance of toleration for political processes. The author advocates a normative conception of toleration proposed by Rainer Forst, instead. Such a regime of toleration is based on the right to justification in which everyone affected should participate in delineating its limits as free and equal citizens. This conception not only solves the paradoxes of toleration but also does justice to its political importance.The article is an extended argument for a positive conception of toleration. First, it examines and ultimately rejects reductive interpretations of toleration proposed by David Heyd and Wendy Brown that stem from deflationary and deconstructive readings respectively. It is argued that deconstructive reading is not satisfactory because it perpetuates and amplifies rather than solves paradoxes of toleration, whereas Heyd’s reading does not recognise the importance of toleration for political processes. The author advocates a normative conception of toleration proposed by Rainer Forst, instead. Such a regime of toleration is based on the right to justification in which everyone affected should participate in delineating its limits as free and equal citizens. This conception not only solves the paradoxes of toleration but also does justice to its political importance

On Reconciling Care and Justice: An Interview with Tove Pettersen

In this interview, Tove Pettersen argues for a novel understanding of the relationship between care and justice that would reconcile these two values.

Ideały jako regulatory funkcjonowania: złożoność ja-idealnego a przejawy postaw społecznych

Badania dotyczyły cech formalnych Ja-idealnego – złożoności pożądanych atrybutów Ja, a także wybranych przejawów postaw społecznych. Przewidywano, że wysoki stopień złożoności Ja-idealnego sprzyja wrażliwości na wartości humanitarne, takie jak równość i ochrona życia. W dwóch badaniach uczestniczyli studenci Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego (N = 118) oraz internauci (N = 326). Mierzona była wielość wygenerowanych pożądanych cech Ja, a także przejawy postaw wobec Innych oraz ustawowych regulacji życia społecznego, jak na przykład kara śmierci. W obu badaniach wyniki okazały się spójne z przewidywaniami: stosunkowo wysokie wskaźniki złożoności Ja-idealnego współwystępowały ze stosunkowo niskim stopniem stereotypowości w spostrzeganiu Obcych oraz opowiadaniem się za wyrównywaniem praw obywatelskich i ochroną życia