Explaining Quebec's Social Economy Turn

Québec has been structuring and promoting a social economy sector since the mid-1990s. What explains this specificity of the Québec social model? Careful process tracing analysis reveals that the mobilization of Québec’s left in the mid-1990s, followed by coalition engineering during the 1996 economy and employment summit, account for Québec’s distinct trajectory. Consistent with power resource theory (PRT), at the agenda-setting stage, protagonists of Québec’s social economy policies were associated with the left. Contrary to what is assumed by PRT, however, at the decision stage, the right’s consent to social economy policies was not conditioned by a weak bargaining position or by a fear of antagonizing voters.RÉSUMÉLe Québec appuie et structure un secteur de l’économie sociale depuis le milieu des années 1990. Comment expliquer cette spécificité du modèle social québécois? Une analyse attentive du retraçage des processus révèle que la mobilisation de la gauche québécoise au milieu des années 1990, suivie d’une coalition autour de l’économie sociale formée au moment du Sommet sur l’économie et l’emploi en 1996, expliquent la trajectoire distincte du Québec. De façon cohérente avec la théorie des ressources de pouvoir (PRT), à l’étape de la mise à l’agenda, les protagonistes des politiques visant à appuyer l’économie sociale au Québec étaient associés à la gauche. Contrairement à ce qui est supposé par la PRT, cependant, à l’étape de la prise de décision, l’appui de la droite à ces politiques ne reposait pas nsur un faible rapport de force ou sur une crainte de s’aliéner les électeurs

La mise à l’agenda du « problème » de la sous-représentation des Autochtones dans l’enseignement de l’histoire nationale au Québec, 1960-2010

À partir des années 1960, avec l’apparition d’un « nous » québécois territorialement défini, intellectuels et groupes de pression se mettent à construire le « problème » de la sous-représentation des autochtones dans l’enseignement de l’histoire nationale à l’école au Québec. Nous comparons la place de ce « problème » à l’agenda des concepteurs des deux derniers programmes d’enseignement de l’histoire nationale à l’école secondaire au Québec : Histoire du Québec et du Canada (1982-2008) et Histoire et éducation à la citoyenneté (2007/2008-). Nous montrons que ce « problème » n’a été inscrit avec proéminence qu’à l’agenda des concepteurs du nouveau programme. Comment expliquer cette différence entre l’agenda des concepteurs de ces deux programmes? En se basant sur l’approche des courants multiples développé par John Kingdon, nous montrons qu’à partir des années 1990, tous les éléments étaient réunis pour favoriser la mise à l’agenda de ce « problème » - courant des problèmes, courant des solutions, courant de la politique, entrepreneur politique et fenêtre d’opportunité. Par contraste, nous arguons qu’à la fin des années 1970, un élément manquait : le courant de la politique, et en particulier le « national mood ». Pour rendre ce concept moins a-historique, nous déclinons le « national mood » en trois niveaux hiérarchiques de croyances, selon la typologie de Sabatier et Jenkins-Smith (1993). Nous montrons qu’il y a eu un changement au niveau des croyances les plus fondamentales et inaltérables des élites intellectuelles et politiques québécoises entre la fin des années 1970 et les années 1990 consistant à reconnaître les peuples autochtones.With the emergence of a territorially-based Quebec identity in the 1960s intellectuals and pressure groups began to construct the “problem” of aboriginal under-representation in Quebec’s national history program. We compare the importance of this “problem” on the agenda of the designers of the last two high school national history teaching programs in Quebec: History of Quebec and Canada (1982-2008) and History and Education Citizenship (2007/2008-). We show that this “problem” only gained prominence on the agenda of the second program’s designers. To explain this difference between the agenda of the two programs’ designers, we use John Kingdon’s Multiple Streams approach. We show that in the 1990s and 2000s, all the elements favouring the agenda setting of this “problem” were present: the problem stream, the policy stream, the politics stream, the political entrepreneur and the policy window. In contrast, we argue that in the late 1970s, one element was missing: the politics stream, more specifically the national mood. To make the concept of national mood less a-historical, we use Sabatier and Jenkins-Smith’s typology (1993) and distinguish three levels of beliefs constitutive of the national mood. We assert that a change occurred at the deepest and most unalterable level of beliefs held by Quebec’s intellectual and political élite between the late 1970s and the 1990s in favour of the recognition of aboriginal peoples

Recurring Necrotic Enteritis Outbreaks in Commercial Broiler Chicken Flocks Strongly Influence Toxin Gene Carriage and Species Richness in the Resident Clostridium perfringens Population

Extensive use of antibiotic growth promoters (AGPs) in food animals has been questioned due to the globally increasing problem of antibiotic resistance. For the poultry industry, digestive health management following AGP withdrawal in Europe has been a challenge, especially the control of necrotic enteritis. Much research work has focused on gut health in commercial broiler chicken husbandry. Understanding the behavior of Clostridium perfringens in its ecological niche, the poultry barn, is key to a sustainable and cost-effective production in the absence of AGPs. Using polymerase chain reaction and pulsed-field gel electrophoresis, we evaluated how the C. perfringens population evolved in drug-free commercial broiler chicken farms, either healthy or affected with recurring clinical necrotic enteritis outbreaks, over a 14-month period. We show that a high genotypic richness was associated with an increased risk of clinical necrotic enteritis. Also, necrotic enteritis-affected farms had a significant reduction of C. perfringens genotypic richness over time, an increase in the proportion of C. perfringens strains harboring the cpb2 gene, the netB gene, or both. Thus, necrotic enteritis occurrence is correlated with the presence of an initial highly diverse C. perfringens population, increasing the opportunity for the selective sweep of particularly virulent genotypes. Disease outbreaks also appear to largely influence the evolution of this bacterial species in poultry farms over time

Human biting mosquitoes and implications for West Nile virus transmission

West Nile virus (WNV), primarily vectored by mosquitoes of the genus Culex, is the most important mosquito-borne pathogen in North America, having infected thousands of humans and countless wildlife since its arrival in the USA in 1999. In locations with dedicated mosquito control programs, surveillance methods often rely on frequent testing of mosquitoes collected in a network of gravid traps (GTs) and CO2-baited light traps (LTs). Traps specifically targeting oviposition-seeking (e.g. GTs) and host-seeking (e.g. LTs) mosquitoes are vulnerable to trap bias, and captured specimens are often damaged, making morphological identification difficult. This study leverages an alternative mosquito collection method, the human landing catch (HLC), as a means to compare sampling of potential WNV vectors to traditional trapping methods. Human collectors exposed one limb for 15 min at crepuscular periods (5:00–8:30 am and 6:00–9:30 pm daily, the time when Culex species are most actively host-seeking) at each of 55 study sites in suburban Chicago, Illinois, for two summers (2018 and 2019). A total of 223 human-seeking mosquitoes were caught by HLC, of which 46 (20.6%) were mosquitoes of genus Culex. Of these 46 collected Culex specimens, 34 (73.9%) were Cx. salinarius, a potential WNV vector species not thought to be highly abundant in upper Midwest USA. Per trapping effort, GTs and LTs collected > 7.5-fold the number of individual Culex specimens than HLC efforts. The less commonly used HLC method provides important insight into the complement of human-biting mosquitoes in a region with consistent WNV epidemics. This study underscores the value of the HLC collection method as a complementary tool for surveillance to aid in WNV vector species characterization. However, given the added risk to the collector, novel mitigation methods or alternative approaches must be explored to incorporate HLC collections safely and strategically into control programs.https://doi.org/10.1186/s13071-022-05603-

Lipid profile, cardiovascular disease and mortality in a Mediterranean high-risk population: the ESCARVAL-RISK study

The potential impact of targeting different components of an adverse lipid profile in populations with multiple cardiovascular risk factors is not completely clear. This study aims to assess the association between different components of the standard lipid profile with all cause mortality and hospitalization due to cardiovascular events in a high-risk population. Methods This prospective registry included high risk adults over 30 years old free of cardiovascular disease (2008±2012). Diagnosis of hypertension, dyslipidemia or diabetes mellitus was inclusion criterion. Lipid biomarkers were evaluated. Primary endpoints were all-cause mortality and hospital admission due to coronary heart disease or stroke. We estimated adjusted rate ratios (aRR), absolute risk differences and population attributable risk associated with adverse lipid profiles. Results 51,462 subjects were included with a mean age of 62.6 years (47.6% men). During an average follow-up of 3.2 years, 919 deaths, 1666 hospitalizations for coronary heart disease and 1510 hospitalizations for stroke were recorded. The parameters that showed an increased rate for total mortality, coronary heart disease and stroke hospitalization were, respectively, low HDL-Cholesterol: aRR 1.25, 1.29 and 1.23; high Total/HDL-Cholesterol: aRR 1.22, 1.38 and 1.25; and high Triglycerides/HDL-Cholesterol: aRR 1.21, 1.30, 1.09. The parameters that showed highest population attributable risk (%) were, respectively, low HDL-Cholesterol: 7.70, 11.42, 8.40; high Total/HDL-Cholesterol: 6.55, 12.47, 8.73; and high Triglycerides/ HDL-Cholesterol: 8.94, 15.09, 6.92. Conclusions In a population with cardiovascular risk factors, HDL-cholesterol, Total/HDL-cholesterol and triglycerides/HDL-cholesterol ratios were associated with a higher population attributable risk for cardiovascular disease compared to other common biomarkers

La restauration de la rivière Petitcodiac (1968–2016): Une analyse basée sur l'Approche des courants multiples

In 1968, a causeway was built between the municipalities of Moncton and Riverview. Immediately after the construction was completed, the causeway proved to be problematic, severely undermining the health of the river. However, it took until December 2016 for provincial and federal government representatives to permanently solve this problem by announcing the transformation of the causeway into a partial bridge. Why have governments taken so long to act? Using the Multiple Streams Approach (MSA) and relying on unpublished documentary and interview data, we argue that the coupling of the problem, politics, and policy streams was only possible once the window of opportunity created by the election of Liberal governments in Fredericton and Ottawa in the mid-2010s had been opened.En 1968, un pont-chaussée a été construit entre les municipalités de Moncton et Riverview. Immédiatement après sa mise en service, les passes migratoires pour les poissons se sont révélées problématiques. Il faudra toutefois attendre à décembre 2016 pour que des représentants des gouvernements provincial et fédéral solutionnent ce problème de façon permanente, en annonçant la transformation du pont-chaussée en pont partiel. Pourquoi les gouvernements ont-ils mis autant de temps à agir? En nous basant sur l’Approche des courants multiples (ACM) et en nous appuyant sur des données documentaires et entretiens inédits, nous soutenons que le couplage des courants des problèmes, des solutions et de la politique n’était possible qu’une fois ouverte la fenêtre d’opportunité créée par l’élection des gouvernements libéraux à Fredericton et à Ottawa, au milieu des années 2010