Becoming sedentary? The seasonality of food resource exploitation in the Mesolithic-Neolithic Danube Gorges

In this paper, we investigate whether the Mesolithic-Neolithic sites in the Danube Gorges were occupied seasonally or all year round by looking at animal skeletal remains. The hunting seasons of most important game animals have been determined on the basis of antler and teeth growth, supplemented by looking into the presence of migratory fish and birds. The patterns of food resource exploitation seem to indicate year-round occupation of the settlements, and suggest that a significant degree of sedentism existed in the Danube Gorges prior to, and independently of, the adoption of animal and plant husbandry.V članku na podlagi analize živalskih ostankov raziskujemo, ali so bila mezolitsko-neolitska najdišča na območju soteske Džerdap poseljena sezonsko ali čez celo leto. Na podlagi rasti rogovja in zob smo določili lovno sezono za najpomembnejšo divjad, podatke pa smo dopolnili z analizo selitve rib in ptic. Vzorci rabe raznih virov prehrane kažejo na celoletno poselitev na naselbinah; sklepamo tudi, da se je na območju Džerdapa delno sedentaren način življenja pojavil ločeno od in pred pojavom prvih domačih živali in kultiviranih rastlin

Food worthy of kings and saints: fish consumption in the medieval monastery Studenica (Serbia)

The paper focuses on fish consumption and long-distance fish trade in the medieval monastery Studenica in Serbia, from the perspective of archaeozoology and historical evidence. Medieval written sources on the subject suggest that fish was available primarily to particular social classes - the royalty, nobles and monasteries. Preserved muniments indicate that during the 13th-15th centuries the majority of distinguished monasteries had their own fishing ponds, fishing grounds and their own fishermen. Fish consumption occupied an important role in monastic contexts, both in Christian religious practices (e.g. Lent) and in celebrations commemorating the Virgin Mary and the monastery founder, during which high-quality fish was obtained from greater distances. The ichthyoarchaeological remains discussed in this paper originate from waste deposition areas within and outside of the ramparts of the Studenica Monastery, accumulated during the 14th and the first half of the 15th century. Apart from the remains of the species available more or less locally Weis catfish [Silurus giants Linnaeus, 1758], carp [Cyprinus carpio Linnaeus, 1758], pike [Esox lucius Linnaeus, 1758]), the faunal assemblage contained the remains of migratory sturgeons (beluga [Huso huso Linnaeus, 1758], Russian sturgeon [Acipenser gueldenstaedtii Brandt & Ratzeburg, 1833], stellate sturgeon [Acipenser stellatus Pallas, 1771]) most likely transported from the Danube area, about 200 km away as the crow flies. Skeletal element distribution, butchering traces and size estimations (of beluga in particular) indicate that large specimens (c. 2-3.6 m in total length) were brought whole to the monastery, possibly dried or salted. Their occurrence is an additional indicator of long-distance fish trade recorded in muniments, and it offers new insights into economic, social and religious practices in medieval Eastern Orthodox monasteries

Изучавање људско–животињских односа у антропологији и археологији I

This paper is the first of the two planned, in which we will focus on the approaches to the study of human-animal relations in ethnology and anthropology and archaeology. Even though interest in the role of animals in human societies is almost as old as the disciplines the authors of this paper come from, changes and turbulences that the social sciences and the humanities went through in the 1980’s meant that the old foundations on which this interest was based came into question. Given the complexity and scope of the topic, the narrative on the study of human-animal relations in anthropology and archaeology is divided into two parts. In this first paper, we will offer a diachronic review of approaches to the study of animals, animal remains and human-animal relations from the establishment of our disciplines to approximately the end of the 20th century, and map changes and convergent theoretical and methodological tendencies which have led to asking new and different questions about relationships between humans and other animals, but also opened vast possibilities for interdisciplinary collaboration.Овај текст представља први од планирана два чланка у којима ћемо се бавити проблемом изучaвања људско–животињских односа у етнологији и антропологији и археологији. Иако је интересовање за улогу животиња у људским друштвима старо готово колико и дисциплине из којих ауторке овог текста долазе, промене и превирања кроз које су друштвене и хуманистичке науке пролазиле осамдесетих година 20. века условиле су преиспитивање старих основа на којима је ово интересовање у нашим дисциплинама почивало и, на ширем плану, довеле до формирања новог интердисциплинарног поља проучавања људско-животињских односа. Услед комплексности и обима обрађиване теме, прича о изучавању људско– животињских односа у антропологији и археологији подељена је на два дела. У овом, првом делу, понудићемо историјски осврт на приступе проучавaњу животиња, животињских остатака и људско–животињских односа од заснивања наших дисциплина до, угрубо, краја 20. века, и мапирати конвергентне теоријско- методолошке тенденције у двема дисциплинама које су, напослетку, довеле до постављања нових и другачијих питања у вези са односима између људи и других животиња, али и отвориле низ могућности за интердисциплинарну сарадњу

Ad palatinas acipensem mittite mensas: Fish remains from Viminacium

Položaj Viminacijuma, rimskog grada i legijskog logora smeštenog u blizini ušća Mlave u Dunav (sl. 1), ukazuje da su njegovi stanovnici imali direktan pristup rečnim izvorima hrane, te je riba najverovatnije činila deo njihove ishrane. Međutim, relativno se malo zna o ribolovu u rimskom periodu u ovom delu Podunavlja, a ribolovačke aktivnosti često ostaju arheološki manje vidljive ili nedovoljno proučene. Ova okolnost se može objasniti slabijim mogućnostima očuvanja ribljih kostiju, njihovom poroznošću i generalno malim dimenzijama, što dovodi do toga da se po pravilu previde (posebno u slučaju sitnijih vrsta) prilikom ručnog sakupljanja materijala. Tako su u velikoj faunističkoj zbirci sa Viminacijuma riblje kosti zastupljene sa svega nekoliko desetina primeraka, za razliku od kostiju sisara čiji broj iznosi više od 20.000. Međutim, iako malobrojni, riblji ostaci sa Viminacijuma predstavljaju važan izvor podataka o ishrani i snabdevanju ribom, ribolovačkim praksama, odabiru vrsta i veličini ulova, kao i o potencijalnim razlikama u prehrambenim navikama i pristupu kvalitetnijoj ribi u gradu i u njegovoj okolini. U ovom radu su prikazani rezultati arheozoološke analize ribljih ostataka koji su do sada konstatovani na tri različite lokacije na Viminacijumu: na području amfiteatra, koji se nalazi u užem gradskom jezgru, u otpadnom prostoru, koji se nalazio u okviru istočne nekropole, udaljene oko 450 m od legijskog utvrđenja (lokalitet Pirivoj), i u naselju, koje je predstavljalo ekonomsko-industrijski centar, udaljen oko 2,5 km od legijskog utvrđenja (lokalitet Nad Klepečkom) (sl. 2). Osim arheozooloških podataka, u radu su prikazani i nalazi ribolovačke opreme sa Viminacijuma, koji pružaju širu sliku o ribarskim tehnikama, kao i relevantni istorijski izvori u cilju boljeg sagledavanja mogućih značenja koja su pridavana različitim vrstama riba. Riblji faunistički uzorak sa Viminacijuma čine 74 primerka kostiju, a od toga 48 potiče sa prostora amfiteatra, 22 sa lokaliteta Nad Klepečkom i 4 sa Pirivoja (tabela 1; sl. 3). U uzorku su zastupljene slatkovodne ribe, koje su po svoj prilici lovljene u Mlavi i Dunavu: vrste iz porodice šaranki (šaran Cyprinus carpio i bucov Aspius aspius, sl. 4), štuka (Esox lucius, sl. 5), smuđ (Sander lucioperca, sl. 6) i som (Silurus glanis, sl. 7). Od toga se jedino kosti šaranki i soma javljaju i izvan gradskog jezgra, što bi moglo ukazivati na to da su se tim ribama hranili stanovnici grada i okoline, ali i da su se one mogle koristiti u okviru pogrebnih rituala na prostoru istočne nekropole Viminacijuma. U slučaju uzorka sa amfiteatra, kosti šarana, štuke, smuđa i soma bile su očuvane u dovoljnoj meri, te je bilo moguće izmeriti ih i rekonstruisati veličinu primeraka (tabela 2). Većinom su u pitanju bile krupne jedinke, što se moglo i očekivati budući da ostaci sitnijih riba verovatno nisu sakupljeni. Pored toga, može se pretpostaviti da je najbolji ulov iz obližnjih reka verovatno stizao na trpezu stanovnika grada i legijskog logora. Pored slatkovodnih vrsta, u uzorku sa amfiteatra identifikovani su i ostaci krupnih riba iz porodice jesetrovki, koje su sve do izgradnje đerdapskih brana migrirale u Dunav iz Crnog mora. U pitanju su ostaci ruske jesetre (Acipenser gueldenstaedtii), pastruge (Acipenser stellatus), kečige (Acipenser ruthenus) (jedine slatkovodne jesetrovke) (sl. 8) i posebno brojni ostaci morune (Huso huso, sl. 9), najvećeg predstavnika ove porodice. Prilično veliki broj kostiju jesetrovki u uzorku, njihove impresivne dimenzije (tabela 2), kao i kontekst nalaza (isključivo prostor amfiteatra) ukazuju na to da su te ribe bile posebno cenjene i verovatno namenjene određenim slojevima gradskog stanovništva. Najimpresivniji ulov predstavljale su svakako morune, budući da je većina izmerenih kostiju poticala od primeraka koji su bili dugi između 3 m i 3,5 m, ali su lovljeni i krupniji primerci, dugi i preko 5 m (sl. 10). Poseban kuriozitet je to što su te ogromne ribe dopremane u komadu, budući da veći broj tragova kasapljenja na kostima (sl. 9) ukazuje da su pripremane za konzumaciju u samom gradu. Ovaj podatak postaje još značajniji ako se uzme u obzir i to da su se od praistorije do izgradnje brana najbolja mesta za ribolov na jesetrovke nalazila na području Đerdapa (sl. 11), nizvodno oko 100 km od Viminacijuma. Iako Elijanovo delo De Natura Animalium ne predstavlja izvor iz prve ruke, u njemu opisani ribolov na dunavske jesetrovke, u okviru pejzaža koji podseća na Đerdap, navodi na pretpostavku da je ovo ribarsko područje bilo u upotrebi i tokom rimskog perioda. Moglo bi se stoga pretpostaviti da su i jesetrovke koje su se konzumirale u Viminacijumu stizale iz ove oblasti, moguće sušene, usoljene ili čak i žive. Određeni pisani izvori dodatno ukazuju na status koje su jesetrovke uživale u rimskom periodu - i kao poslastice na gozbama, ali i kao statusni simboli. Marcijal u Epigramima (Epigrammata) navodi da su ove ribe dostojne carske trpeze, a Makrobije ih u svom delu Saturnalia (navodeći reči različitih antičkih autora) opisuje kao retke poslastice, previše vredne da bi se delile s drugima, pa čak i kao božanstva čije su iznošenje na trpezu pratile sluge i zvuci frule. Iako se Marcijal i Makrobije ne osvrću konkretno na jesetrovke iz Dunava, može se pretpostaviti da su ove krupne ribe i doživljavane na sličan način i u Viminacijumu, kao i u drugim podunavskim gradovima. Pored ribljih ostataka, određen uvid u ribolovne tehnike pružaju i sporadični nalazi ribolovačke opreme sa Viminacijuma - tegovi za mreže i udice (sl. 12). Osim na Viminacijumu, takvi predmeti poznati su i sa drugih lokaliteta na dunavskom limesu. Pored lokalno dostupne i migratorne ribe, koja je verovatno dopremana sa Đerdapa, određeni stanovnici Viminacijuma su se po svoj prilici snabdevali i morskom hranom nabavljenom iz udaljenih oblasti. Direktna svedočanstva o trgovini iz mediteranskih oblasti predstavljaju ljušture mekušaca, a ona indirektna jesu određeni tipovi amfora koje su verovatno sadržale proizvode od prerađene morske ribe i riblje soseve. Iako malobrojni, ostaci riba sa Viminacijuma, kao i nalazi ribolovačke opreme i amfora korišćenih verovatno za transport ribljih proizvoda pružaju važne podatke o ishrani i snabdevanju ribom na prostoru glavnog grada provincije i njegove okoline. Lokalno dostupne slatkovodne vrste, poput šarana i soma, konzumirale su se po svoj prilici i u gradu i u njegovoj okolini, a moguće je i da su korišćene u okviru pogrebnih rituala. Međutim, kvalitetnija riba (poput jesetrovki) verovatno je konzumirana u određenim prilikama i/ili krugovima, predstavljajući važan deo društvenog života u gradu i način za isticanje statusa. Ne treba isključiti ni mogućnost da su se sitnije, lokalno dostupne ribe, čiji se ostaci generalno previde prilikom ručnog sakupljanja, konzumirale mnogo češće i među svim slojevima društva.The paper presents the results of archaezoological analysis of fish remains from three locations at Viminacium (the Amphitheatre, Nad Klepečkom and Pirivoj), discussed jointly with finds of fishing equipment and relevant written sources on the subject. Albeit small and biased due to the hand-collection of animal bones, the fish faunal assemblage from Vimincium provides valuable data on the choice of exploited species, fishing and fish transportation practices, and patterns of consumption and deposition in the city and its surroundings. In addition to remains of locally available freshwater fish, occurring at all three sites, the Amphitheatre sample contained the remains of large anadromous sturgeons, possibly obtained from the downstream, Iron Gates area. Their size, contextual provenance, as well as their exceptional status according to written sources, indicates that there had been notable differences in access to high-quality fish among the different social classes at Viminacium

Fishing in the mesolithic-neolithic danube gorges in the early holocene (10th-6th millennium BC)

Disertacija obuhvata proučavanje ribolovačkih aktivnosti u Đerdapu tokom ranog holocena, tj. perioda mezolita i ranog/srednjeg neolita (9500-5500. pre n. e.), prvenstveno iz perspektive arheozoologije ribljih ostataka. Važna uloga ribolova u naseljavanju Đerdapa u praistoriji prepoznata je još tokom prvobitnih arheoloških istraživanja 1960ih i 1970ih godina. U okviru ovih kampanja, registrovan je i istražen veliki broj lokaliteta na levoj (rumunskoj) i desnoj (srpskoj) obali Dunava, od kojih su na desnoj obali najdetaljnije istraženi Padina, Lepenski Vir i Vlasac u klisuri Gospođin Vir. Smešteni na rečnim terasama u blizini virova, ova nalazišta su samim svojim položajem ukazivala na upućenost na reku. Pored položaja naselja, hipoteze o njihovom ribolovačkom karakteru zasnivale su se na velikim količinama otkrivenih ribljih kostiju, prisustvu ‘ribolikih’ skulptura i drugih artefakata sa predstavama akvatičkih motiva, a u novije vreme i na vrednostima stabilnih izotopa ugljenika i azota u kolagenu iz ljudskih kostiju koje su ukazivale na značajan udeo ribe u ishrani...Dissertation focuses on fishing activities in the Danube Gorges in early Holocene, i.e. in the Mesolithic and Early/Middle Neolithic (c. 9500-5500 cal BC), primarily from an archaeozoological perspective. The role of aquatic resource exploitation in site locations and settlement practices has long been recognized, ever since the initial archaeological excavations in the 1960s and the 1970s. These campaigns uncovered a great number of sites on the left (Romanian) and right (Serbian) bank of the Danube, with the excavations on the latter focused mainly on the sites of Padina, Lepenski Vir and Vlasac in the Gospođin Vir gorge. The reliance on the river was manifested by the location of sites, which were situated on riverine terraces in vicinity of whirlpools. In addition, their interpretations as fishing settlements were based on large amounts of recovered fish bones, presence of sculpted boulders and other artefacts depicting ‘fishlike’ beings, as well as more recent stable isotope analyses indicating a significant intake of aquatic resources in human diet..

Fish Processing in the Iron Gates Region During the Transitional and Early Neolithic Period: An Integrated Approach

Abstract It is well known that many Mesolithic and Early Neolithic sites were uncovered during the past century in the Iron Gates region of the North-Central Balkans. The application of diverse analyses on the bioarchaeological remains and artefacts raised many questions, but also offered new ideas about the Mesolithic–Neolithic transitional period in the Middle and Lower course of the Danube. Communities in the Iron Gates consumed fish and exploited the riverbank in prehistory. The stable isotope analyses are implying that these human groups fed on aquatic resources in some periods more than others. Fish remains were also found in settlements, and based on fish-related imagery on sculpted boulders and other artefacts, the bond between the people, river, and the ecosystem was compelling. The idea of this article is to present the possible ways of fish processing at Lepenski Vir using chipped stone tools. Three integrated methodologies, with high levels of interpretation, were applied: use-wear, residue, and archaeozoological analyses. Use-wear and residue analyses were performed on both archaeological and experimental chipped stone tools. The results are considered together with the traces of butchery observed on archaeological samples of fish bones, creating a more coherent picture of the everyday habits of the Iron Gates populations

Multispecies worlds and socio-centric societies – living together with animals, plants, and insects

This session proposes multispecies approaches and understandings advanced within the ontological turn, as analytical frameworks for exploring how hunter-gatherers past and present were living (well?) with other species. Prehistoric archaeology, entailing the study of human and animal remains from the beginnings of humanity, on a global scale, can contribute in a unique way to explore what it means to be human in a world populated by non-human others. Throughout the Holocene humans have lived with animals in multispecies environments. How humans have lived with animals varies within, and between, societies. Animals have been bred, domesticated, buried, hunted, and fished, nurtured as pets and companions in addition to being exploited as food and materials. We also reflect on the role of insects as cultural agents, by focusing on how insects have impacted hunterfisher lifeways in the past and present, and what sort of challenges or solutions can insects represent to hunter-gatherers. A multispecies approach, inspired by ethology and biosemiotics, entanglement theory, and native ontologies, recognize that prehistoric communities were entwined with nonhumans in social as well as ecological and economic ways. We further embrace the concept of «egomorphism» (Milton 2005), a perspective acknowledging that humans perceive animals as similar to themselves and able to partake in social relations, as a viable road to overcome the polarization between Western and indigenous ontologies, while still taking native perspectives seriously. Archaeology is largely invisible in current debates about the Anthropocene and human influence on the environment. Although archaeological periods lie far beyond the onset of this geological epoch as currently defined, engaging with the debates encourages us to reflect on relations to nature and animals past and present, and our role and place in the world. Archaeological finds can challenge present norms and understandings and provide depth and diversity to the Anthropocene-debate which would not be accessible from anthropological, geographical or historical data. We welcome papers exploring multispecies relations from a variety of perspectives – relational, zoo/biosemiotic, ethological, historical, anthropological, environmental and phenomenological, regardless of chronological, geographical or cultural context. Contributions may focus on methods, models, case studies or theoretical frameworks

Seasonal calving in European Prehistoric cattle and its impacts on milk availability and cheese-making:impacts on milk availability and cheese-making

Present-day domestic cattle are reproductively active throughout the year, which is a major asset for dairy production. Large wild ungulates, in contrast, are seasonal breeders, as were the last historic representatives of the aurochs, the wild ancestors of cattle. Aseasonal reproduction in cattle is a consequence of domestication and herding, but exactly when this capacity developed in domestic cattle is still unknown and the extent to which early farming communities controlled the seasonality of reproduction is debated. Seasonal or aseasonal calving would have shaped the socio-economic practices of ancient farming societies differently, structuring the agropastoral calendar and determining milk availability where dairying is attested. In this study, we reconstruct the calving pattern through the analysis of stable oxygen isotope ratios of cattle tooth enamel from 18 sites across Europe, dating from the 6th mill. cal BC (Early Neolithic) in the Balkans to the 4th mill. cal BC (Middle Neolithic) in Western Europe. Seasonal calving prevailed in Europe between the 6th and 4th millennia cal BC. These results suggest that cattle agropastoral systems in Neolithic Europe were strongly constrained by environmental factors, in particular forage resources. The ensuing fluctuations in milk availability would account for cheese-making, transforming a seasonal milk supply into a storable product.info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersio

The history of the domestic cat in Central Europe: human-induced dispersal or natural introgression?

Advances in paleogenomic research have provided new information about domesticated animals, but we still know little about the history of cats. Until now, only one subspecies, the Near Eastern wildcat (Felis silvestris lybica), was known to have been domesticated. The domestication areas were assumed to be the Near East and Egypt. From this region, cats spread to the Mediterranean and beyond. It has been accepted that the Roman legions played the primary role in the expansion of cats through northern Europe. However, we found that cats that carried mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) haplotypes of wildcats from the Near East were present in Central Europe as early as the Neolithic, well before Roman times, and may have been associated with Neolithic expansion. Our new results reveal the presence of the mtDNA haplotypes of the Near Eastern wildcats in Poland even in the pre-Neolithic period. This may suggest that the Near Eastern wildcats could have spread across Europe independently of agricultural expansion. Consequently, the natural range of Near Eastern wildcats may have been much broader than previously assumed. To understand how and when domestic cats appeared in Central Europe, we performed a target enrichment of ca. 57,000 genomic SNPs. We believe that this will allow us to definitively determine whether the appearance of the Near Eastern wildcat mtDNA in Central Europe was a natural admixture between the two subspecies or whether it was a human-induced dispersal of tame/domestic cats. The study is supported by the National Science Centre, Poland, grant no. 2019/35/B/HS3/02923