Symbolická vymístění, národní identita a (re)konstrukce paměti

Cílem článku je nastínit některé možnosti aplikace obecného sociologického konceptu vymístění na teoretickém poli konstrukce a symbolické reprezentace národní identity. Za použití několika příkladů z dějin moderního českého národa autor popisuje nekončící bitvu o hegemonickou verzi národní historie a identity, která se vede skrze vynalézání, reprodukování a vymisťování jejich symbolických reprezentací. Snaží se demonstrovat, že bez ohledu na to, jak úspěšné může vymístění fyzických atrubutů symbolů být, je jejich význam obvykle nesen v kolektivní pamětí po mnohem delší čas a slouží k problematizaci současných "kanonických" verzí národní identity

Jednota, či rozmanitost? Kulturní cíle evropské audiovizuální politiky a jejich aplikace v prostředí české televizní scény

Tato stať zkoumá kulturní předpoklady a cíle evropské audiovizuální politiky, reprezentované především Směrnicí č. 89/552/EHS o Televizi bez hranic, a praktické výsledky této politiky v prostředí české televizní krajiny. V první části autor stručně rekapituluje přítomnost a charakter kulturních cílů ve vývoji evropské vysílací legislativy. Následně se zaměřuje na prezentaci a kritické zhodnocení dosavadních výsledků politiky programových kvót, obsažené v článcích 4 a 5 uvedené Směrnice, napříč státy EU. Druhá část statě je věnována empirické případové studii implementace Směrnice o Televizi bez hranic do české mediální legislativy, přičemž si všímá zejména otázky, do jaké míry české televizní stanice naplňují kvóty na evropskou a nezávislou produkci. V závěrečné části je krátce diskutován aktuální proces přípravy nové Směrnice o audiovizuálních mediálních službách, opět s důrazem na její kulturně-politické aspekty a vztah k existujícím koncepcím evropské kultury a identity

Media and Democratisation: Challenges for an Emerging Sub-field

t This article seeks to compile an empirically-based understanding of the role of media in countries in transition. The study focuses on the processes of political socialization, behaviour and accountability, and gives examples from three regions: Central and Eastern Europe, Latin America, and the Middle East/North Africa region. We draw on some of the major works relevant to the study of mass media in these transitional contexts with the aim of discerning emergent theories available to the study of media and democratisation. While aware of the limitations posed by the nature and scope of the sample of the studies reviewed, we do identify and discuss some of the potentially key obstacles to theory-building and propose some alternative paths of enquir

Monitorování mediální plurality v digitálním věku : aplikace monitoru plurality médií v Evropské unii, Albánii, Černé Hoře, Republice Severní Makedonie, Srbsku a Turecku v roce 2022. Národní zpráva : Česká republika

This report presents the results of the implementation of the Media Pluralism Monitor for the year 2022 (MPM2023) in the Czech Republic. The MPM is a holistic tool geared at assessing the risks to media pluralism in EU member states and selected candidate countries (32 European countries in total, including Albania, Montenegro, the Republic of North Macedonia, Serbia, and Turkey). The MPM takes into account legal, political and economic variables that are relevant to analysing the levels of plurality of media systems in a democratic society. The Media Pluralism Monitor has been implemented, on a regular basis, by the Centre for Media Pluralism and Media Freedom, since 2013/2014.Tato zpráva obsahuje výsledky implementace Monitoru plurality médií za rok 2022 (MPM2023) v České republice. MPM je holistický nástroj zaměřený na evaluaci potenciálních rizik pro mediální pluralitu v členských státech a v kandidátských zemích Evropské unie (celkem 32 evropských zemí, včetně Albánie, Černé Hory, Severní Makedonie, Srbska a Turecka). MPM bere v úvahu právní, politické a ekonomické proměnné, které jsou relevantní pro analýzu různých stupňů plurality mediálních systémů v demokratické společnosti. Monitor plurality médií je implementován Centrem pro pluralitu a svobodu médií na pravidelné bázi od roku 2013/2014.The Centre for Media Pluralism and Media Freedom is co-financed by the European Unio

Oligarchization, de-Westernization and vulnerability: Media between democracy and authoritarianism in Central and Eastern Europe

What are the major trends of media change in contemporary Central and Eastern Europe (CEE)? How do these media transformations relate to economic, political, social and cultural currents in the region? After a decade of democratic optimism from the early 1990s to the 2000s, why did democratic media regimes in the region become recently so vulnerable? Why would the level of media freedom and pluralism in the CEE region remain significantly more limited than in Western Europe, despite supposedly shared European values and policies, and EU membership of the countries in the region? What explains variation in the level of media freedom within and across the former communist countries? What are the direct and indirect effects of the global financial crisis on the trends of democratization vs. authoritarianism in CEE? How could eminent newly democratized countries in CEE backslide dramatically to semi-authoritarian hybrid regimes that we usually find in former Soviet Eurasia? How do semi-authoritarian regimes control media in different CEE countries? Also, how could media studies of the region be reinvented to reflect on the shifting geopolitical balance of power, especially the emergence of BRICS, the growing influence of Russia, and the war in Ukraine? What could comparative post-communist media studies add to our analysis and understanding of the new CEE realities?These were some of the questions tackled by a recent public roundtable discussion entitled "Media, Democracy and Authoritarianism in Central and Eastern Europe", held at the Department of Media, Cognition and Communication at the University of Copenhagen on April 24, 2015.Participants included Auksė Balčytienė (Professor of Journalism, and Vice Rector for Public Communication and International Relations, Vytautas Magnus University, Lithuania), Péter Bajomi-Lázár (Professor of Media Communications, and Head of the Institute of Social Science at the Budapest Business School, Hungary), and Václav Štětka (Senior Researcher, Institute of Communication Studies and Journalism, Faculty of Social Science, Charles University, Prague, Czech Republic). The panelists have also been working together in a major research project entitled “Media and Democracy in Central and Eastern Europe” between 2009 and 2013 at the University of Oxford. The roundtable was convened and moderated by Miklós Sükösd (Associate Professor, Department of Media, Cognition and Communication, University of Copenhagen). The event was co-sponsored by the Research Priority Area on "Media and Communications in Transition Societies" at the Department of Media, Cognition and Communication at the University of Copenhagen, and the Journal of Media, Cognition and Communication.Participants were asked to reflect on their recent research and contextualize it among what they consider the most important contemporary issues and trends of media and politics in the CEE region

Introduction : media and illiberal democracy in Central and Eastern Europe

This introductory overview opens the series of articles included in the issue entitled Media and Illiberal Democracy in Central and Eastern Europe, and sets the scene for the debate on the relationship between illiberal trends in politics and media landscapes in the region. Drawing on existing scholarship, it traces the roots and the evolution of illiberalism, focusing the discussion within the confines of particularities of media landscapes. Through the introduction of articles addressing manifestations of illiberalism in media landscapes, it argues that “illiberal turn” in Central and Eastern Europe is part of a global political shift, rather than a regional one

Towards hypermedia campaigning? Perceptions of new media's importance for campaigning by party strategists in comparative perspective

This paper analyses strategic thinking around election campaign communication in a rapidly evolving media environment, characterized by the rise of digital communication channels and online social networks as new tools of political campaigning. Using an expert survey with campaign managers of 68 political parties within 12 European nations, representing both old and new EU member states, the study investigates the perceived importance of different types of communication platforms in meeting campaign objectives, especially with regard to differences between new and direct modes of campaigning in comparison to traditional campaign channels. The attributed significance to these various channels is then analysed against a range of variables on macro (country) level as well as meso (party) level. The results suggest that while some differences can be observed in regard to the perceptions of particular types of social media between individual strategists working for parties as well as between strategists working in new and old EU member states (e.g. Facebook is seen as more important in younger democracies), overall we can see a relatively high level of homogeneity in the perceived importance of campaign communication in the sample. The data point to the embedding of new communication platforms within election campaign strategies across most nations and parties; this indicates that the move towards ‘hypermedia' campaign style, integrating both old and new campaign tools and communication platforms, is now becoming a standard feature of professional campaigning strategy in Europe

Navigating high-choice European political information environments : a comparative analysis of news user profiles and political knowledge

The transition from low- to high-choice media environments has had far-reaching implications for citizens’ media use and its relationship with political knowledge. However, there is still a lack of comparative research on how citizens combine the usage of different media and how that is related to political knowledge. To fill this void, we use a unique cross-national survey about the online and offline media use habits of more than 28,000 individuals in 17 European countries. Our aim is to (i) profile different types of news consumers and (ii) understand how each user profile is linked to political knowledge acquisition. Our results show that five user profiles – news minimalists, social media news users, traditionalists, online news seekers, and hyper news consumers – can be identified, although the prevalence of these profiles varies across countries. Findings further show that both traditional and online-based news diets are correlated with higher political knowledge. However, online-based news use is more widespread in Southern Europe, where it is associated with lower levels of political knowledge than in Northern Europe. By focusing on news audiences, this study provides a comprehensive and fine-grained analysis of how contemporary European political information environments perform and contribute to an informed citizenry