Latent semantic indexing eta ikasketa automatikoa hizkuntzaren prozesamenduaren arloan: testu-sailkatzea, hitzen adiera-desanbiguatzea eta korreferentzia-ebaztea SVD bidezko dimentsio murrizketa eta multi-sailkatzailea konbinatuz

220 p

Korreferentzia-ebazpena euskarazko testuetan.

203 p.Gaur egun, korreferentzia-ebazpen automatikoa gakotzat har dezakegu testuak ulertuahal izateko; ondorioz, behar-beharrezkoa da diskurtsoaren ulerkuntza sakona eskatzenduten Lengoaia Naturalaren Prozesamenduko (NLP) hainbat atazatan.Testu bateko bi espresio testualek objektu berbera adierazi edo erreferentziatzendutenean, bi espresio horien artean korreferentzia-erlazio bat dagoela esan ohi da. Testubatean ager daitezkeen espresio testual horien arteko korreferentzia-erlazioak ebazteahelburu duen atazari korreferentzia-ebazpena deritzo.Tesi-lan hau, hizkuntzalaritza konputazionalaren arloan kokatzen da eta euskarazidatzitako testuen korreferentzia-ebazpen automatikoa du helburu, zehazkiago esanda,euskarazko korreferentzia-ebazpen automatikoa gauzatzeko dagoen baliabide eta tresnenhutsunea betetzea du helburu.Tesi-lan honetan, lehenik euskarazko testuetan ager daitezkeen espresio testualakautomatikoki identifikatzeko garatu dugun erregelatan oinarritutako tresna azaltzen da.Ondoren, Stanfordeko unibertsitatean ingeleserako diseinatu den erregelatanoinarritutako korreferentzia-ebazpenerako sistema euskararen ezaugarrietara nolaegokitu den eta ezagutza-base semantikoak erabiliz nola hobetu dugun aurkezten da.Bukatzeko, ikasketa automatikoan oinarritzen den BART korreferentzia-ebazpenerakosistema euskarara egokitzeko eta hobetzeko egindako lana azaltzen da

Warlpiri : theoretical implications

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Linguistics and Philosophy, 2002.Includes bibliographical references (v. 2, leaves 230-241).The issue of non-configurationality is fundamental in determining the possible range of variation in Universal Grammar. This dissertation investigates this issue in the context of Warlpiri, the prototypical non-configurational language. I argue that positing a macroparameter, a single parameter that distinguishes configurational languages from non-configurational, requires variation on a magnitude not permitted by Universal Grammar. After refuting in detail previous macroparametric approaches, I propose a microparametric analysis: non-configurational languages are fully configurational and analysed through fine-grained parameters with independent motivation. I develop this approach for Warlpiri,partially on the basis of new data collected through work with Warlpiri consultants and analysis of Warlpiri texts. Beginning with A-syntax, I show that Warlpiri exhibits short-distance A-scrambling through binding and WCO data. I present an analysis of split ergativity in Warlpiri (ergative-/absolutive case-marking, nominative/accusative agreement), deriving the split from a dissociation of case and agreement, and the inherent nature of ergative case, rather than from non-configurationality. Extending the analysis to applicative constructions in Warlpiri, I identify both symmetric and asymmetric applicatives. I argue that the principled distinctions between them are explained structurally rather than lexically; therefore the applicative data provide evidence for a hierarchical verb phrase in Warlpiri. The analysis reveals the first reported distinction between unaccusative and unergative verbs in the language.(cont.) Turning to A'-syntax, I argue that word order is not free in Warlpiri; rather Warlpiri displays an articulated left peripheral structure. Thus, word order variations are largely determined by positioning of elements in ordered functional projections based on their status in the discourse. Furthermore, I present evidence from WCO and island effects that elements appear in these projections through movement. Finally, I investigate the wh-scope marking construction, arguing for an indirect dependency approach. In developing the analysis, I argue, contrary to standard assumptions, that the dependent clauses related with verbs of saying in Warlpiri are embedded rather than adjoined. On the basis of a poverty of the stimulus argument, I conclude the construction must follow from independent properties of the language. I propose that it follows from the discontinuous constituent construction, which I equate with split DPs/PPs in Germanic and Slavic languages. The syntactic structure of Warlpiri that emerges from the dissertation strongly supports a configurational analysis of the language, and thereby the microparameter approach to nonconfigurationality.by Julie Anne Legate.Ph.D

Definiteness across languages

Definiteness has been a central topic in theoretical semantics since its modern foundation. However, despite its significance, there has been surprisingly scarce research on its cross-linguistic expression. With the purpose of contributing to filling this gap, the present volume gathers thirteen studies exploiting insights from formal semantics and syntax, typological and language specific studies, and, crucially, semantic fieldwork and cross-linguistic semantics, in order to address the expression and interpretation of definiteness in a diverse group of languages, most of them understudied

Definiteness across languages

Definiteness has been a central topic in theoretical semantics since its modern foundation. However, despite its significance, there has been surprisingly scarce research on its cross-linguistic expression. With the purpose of contributing to filling this gap, the present volume gathers thirteen studies exploiting insights from formal semantics and syntax, typological and language specific studies, and, crucially, semantic fieldwork and cross-linguistic semantics, in order to address the expression and interpretation of definiteness in a diverse group of languages, most of them understudied. The papers presented in this volume aim to establish a dialogue between theory and data in order to answer the following questions: What formal strategies do natural languages employ to encode definiteness? What are the possible meanings associated to this notion across languages? Are there different types of definite reference? Which other functions (besides marking definite reference) are associated with definite descriptions? Each of the papers contained in this volume addresses at least one of these questions and, in doing so, they aim to enrich our understanding of definiteness

Definiteness across languages

Definiteness has been a central topic in theoretical semantics since its modern foundation. However, despite its significance, there has been surprisingly scarce research on its cross-linguistic expression. With the purpose of contributing to filling this gap, the present volume gathers thirteen studies exploiting insights from formal semantics and syntax, typological and language specific studies, and, crucially, semantic fieldwork and cross-linguistic semantics, in order to address the expression and interpretation of definiteness in a diverse group of languages, most of them understudied

A workshop on the gathering of information for problem formulation

Issued as Quarterly progress reports no. [1-5], Proceedings and Final contract report, Project no. G-36-651Papers presented at the Workshop/Symposium on Human Computer Interaction, March 26 and 27, 1981, Atlanta, G

Issues in Esahie Nominal Morphology: From Inflection to Word-formation

The present study is a documentation-oriented research which aims at exploring the nominal morphology of Esahie, an otherwise unexplored cross-border Kwa language. Essentially, it examines pertinent inflectional and word formation issues in the nominal domain of Esahie such as noun class system, agreement, syncretism, nominalization, and compounding. The overall goal of this thesis is to investigate and provide a comprehensive account of the attested types, structure, formation, and the lexical semantics of nouns and nominalizations in Esahie. This thesis also seeks to understand what the facts about the structure and formation of nouns and nominalizations in Esahie reveal about the nature of the interface between morphology, phonology, syntax, and semantics, and about the architecture of the grammar in general. In interpreting the Esahie data, we ultimately hope to contribute to current theoretical debates by presenting empirical arguments in support of an abstractive, rather than a constructive view of morphology, by arguing that adopting the formalism of Construction Morphology (CxM, see Booij 2010a-d), as an abstractive model, comes with many advantages. We show that the formalism espoused in CxM is able to deal adequately with all the inflectional and word formation issues discussed in this thesis, including the irregular (non-canonical) patterns which are characterized either by cumulative exponence or extra-compositionality. With regards to compounding, this study confirms the view (cf. Appah 2013; 2015; Akrofi-Ansah 2012b; Lawer 2017) that, in Kwa, notwithstanding the word class of the input elements, the output of a compounding operation is always a nominal. This characterization points to a fascinating (mutual) interplay between the word-formation phenomena of compounding and nominalization, since the former operation invariably feeds into the latter. Overall, this thesis shows that nominalization is a prominent word-formation operation in Kwa grammar. Data used in this thesis emanates from several fieldtrips carried out in some Esahie speaking communities in the Western-North region of Ghana, as well as other secondary sources

On past participle agreement in transitive clauses in French

This paper provides a Minimalist analysis of past participle agreement in French in transitive clauses. Our account posits that the head v of vP in such structures carries an (accusativeassigning) structural case feature which may apply (with or without concomitant agreement) to case-mark a clause-mate object, the subject of a defective complement clause, or an intermediate copy of a preposed subject in spec-CP. In structures where a goal is extracted from vP (e.g. via wh-movement) v also carries an edge feature, and may also carry a specificity feature and a set of (number and gender) agreement features. We show how these assumptions account for agreement of a participle with a preposed specific clausemate object or defective-clause subject, and for the absence of agreement with an embedded object, with the complement of an impersonal verb, and with the subject of an embedded (finite or nonfinite) CP complement. We also argue that the absence of agreement marking (in expected contexts) on the participles faitmade and laissélet in infinitive structures is essentially viral in nature. Finally, we claim that obligatory participle agreement with reflexive and reciprocal objects arises because the derivation of reflexives involves A-movement and concomitant agreement