This paper provides a Minimalist analysis of past participle agreement in French in transitive
clauses. Our account posits that the head v of vP in such structures carries an (accusativeassigning) structural case feature which may apply (with or without concomitant agreement)
to case-mark a clause-mate object, the subject of a defective complement clause, or an
intermediate copy of a preposed subject in spec-CP. In structures where a goal is extracted
from vP (e.g. via wh-movement) v also carries an edge feature, and may also carry a
specificity feature and a set of (number and gender) agreement features. We show how these
assumptions account for agreement of a participle with a preposed specific clausemate object
or defective-clause subject, and for the absence of agreement with an embedded object, with
the complement of an impersonal verb, and with the subject of an embedded (finite or nonfinite) CP complement. We also argue that the absence of agreement marking (in expected
contexts) on the participles faitmade and laissélet in infinitive structures is essentially viral in
nature. Finally, we claim that obligatory participle agreement with reflexive and reciprocal
objects arises because the derivation of reflexives involves A-movement and concomitant
agreement
