Early and late indications of item-specific control in a Stroop mouse tracking study

Published: May 17, 2018Previous studies indicated that cognitive conflict continues to bias actions even after a movement has been initiated. The present paper examined whether cognitive control also biases actions after movement initiation. To this end, we had participants perform a Stroop task in which we manipulated the item-specific proportion of (in)congruent trials (80% congruent vs. 20% congruent). Importantly, participants responded via mouse movements, allowing us to evaluate various movement parameters: initiation times, movement times, and movement accuracy. Results showed that mouse movements were faster and more accurate during congruent trials compared to incongruent trials. Moreover, we observed that this congruency effect was larger for 80% congruent compared to 20% congruent items, which reflects itemspecific cognitive control. Notably, when responses were initiated very fast ± rendering virtually no time for stimulus processing before movement onset ± this item-specific control was observed only in movement times. However, for relatively slow initiated responses, item specific control was observed both in initiation and in movement times. These findings demonstrate that item-specific cognitive control biases actions before and after movement initiation.This work was supported by the Special Research Fund of Ghent University (BOF) (grant number: BOF13/24j/080). MFLR was supported in part by the Research Foundation ± Flanders (FWO) as a Pegasus Marie Curie Fellow (grant number: 1262214N) and by a BOF postdoctoral fellowship (grant number: BOF15/PDO/135). ELA was supported by the FWO (grant number: 12C4715N)

Tectonic Evolution and Mineral Deposits of the Northern Appalachians in Southern New Brunswick

Geology of New Brunswick: field guide to excursions, 1973: Trip A-

Socialized choices: Labour market behaviour of Dutch mothers

Dutch mothers display diverse labour market behaviour, though typically they work part-time, making modest use of childcare. It is generally assumed that Dutch women are free to make their own choices regarding employment. This narrative of 'choice' finds fertile ground in an era of general acceptance towards concepts such as individualism and the possibility of self-agency, and in which opportunities for part-time work have been created. Within the tradition of phenomenological sociology, Socialized Choices questions this narrative of choice. What are the factors that influence a mother's work preferences? When do women develop their most important gender and work attitudes? How do such attitudes affect mothers' work preferences and actual labour market behaviour? By means of quantitative and qualitative research methods, including a concise historical analysis, Socialized Choices shows that Dutch mothers are not as free from social ties as is often believed. It reveals the complex and subtle socialization processes that influence mothers' individual work preferences. It also sheds light on the roles that parents, teachers, spouses and work colleagues play. These diverse individual processes of Dutch mothers prove to have several noteworthy traits in common. For instance, Dutch mothers do not complain openly about their spouses' relatively sparse contributions to homecare and household tasks. Also, this study makes clear that part-time work is nowadays a normative standard rather than a choice. Socialized Choices gives a deep and varied insight into the social factors that influence the labour market decisions of Dutch mothers, and raises awareness to the false assumptions that continue to exist regarding employment and motherhood

Learning to be difficult. Civic education and intransigent indignation

The age of Trump´ has made the author appreciate anew the uncompromising political thought of Jacques Rancière. In this short essay, she argues that rage and resentment are not the only politically relevant forms of anger, and that intransigence and indignation are the forms of anger that feature prominently in Rancière’s conception of political disagreement. (DIPF/Orig.

Who’s Afraid of Populism? A Book Review of \u3cem\u3ePolitical Education in Times of Populism\u3c/em\u3e

Edda Sant’s Political Education in Times of Populism offers a helpful, minimalist understanding of populism. By separating the form of populism from its content, we can reserve our moral panic for particular populist movements, while understanding the role of populist contestations in the democratic process. The book offers educators new and provocative points of departure for discussing present conditions and their historical antecedents, including the role of populist movements

Professionalism Discourses and Neoliberalism in Teacher Education

This article argues that discourses of “professionalism” can be used in K-12 teaching and teacher education, both in the service of neoliberal pressures and to push back against such pressures. By itself, the term “professionalism” is not evidence of either the spread of or resistance against neoliberalism, but considered in the context of a broader discourse, it may be used for both. The argument draws from Derrida’s discussion of the pharmakon, and Bourdieu’s discussion of symbolic capital. We argue that the concept of professionalism functions as a pharmakon in that it can be both toxic and medicinal, depending on how it is used, by whom, and to what ends. We take up Schinkel and Noordegraaf’s (2011) suggestion of enhancing Bourdieu’s framework of symbolic capital with that of professional capital. Considering professionalism as a kind of symbolic capital provides a critical lens on discourses of professionalism as both a help and a hindrance in K-12 teaching and teacher education. Both theoretical perspectives enable a critical questioning of discourses of professionalism, including for their constraining effect on greater diversity in professions.Cet article affirme que les discours sur le « professionnalisme » peuvent servir dans l’enseignement K-12 et dans la formation des enseignants, tant au service des pressions néolibérales que pour résister à ces pressions. En soi, le terme « professionnalisme » n’indique ni l’expansion du néolibéralisme ni l’opposition à ce phénomène; considéré dans un contexte élargi, le terme peut être employé dans les deux cas. Cet argument repose sur la discussion de Derrida sur le pharmakon et celle de Bourdieu sur le capital symbolique. Nous affirmons que le concept du professionnalisme fonctionne comme pharmakon dans le sens qu’il peut être ou bien un poison ou un médicament selon l’emploi qu’on en fait, la personne qui s’en sert et les raisons pour lesquelles on l’utilise. Nous faisons suite à la suggestion de Schinkel et Noordegraaf (2011) d’appuyer la notion du capital symbolique de Bourdieu avec celle du capital professionnel. Le fait de concevoir le professionnalisme comme une sorte de capital symbolique offre un angle critique pour étudier les discours proposant que le professionnalisme peut constituer un appui ou un obstacle dans l’enseignement K-12 et dans la formation des enseignants. Les deux perspectives théoriques permettent une remise en question des discours sur le professionnalisme, y compris de leur effet restrictif sur une plus grande diversité au sein des professions. Mots clés: néolibéralisme, formation des enseignants, professionalism