O professor faz diferença? Análise dos resultados de desempenho dos estudantes brasileiros no Enem 2015

-Este trabalho tem por objetivo avaliar as possíveis relações que podem ser observadas entre a proporção de professores por estudantes (indicador de condições de oferta relacionado ao corpo docente) e o desempenho dos estudantes no Enem, utilizando os dados disponíveis relativos ao Censo da Educação Superior e ao Enem de 2015. A hipótese testada é a de que a proporção de professores por estudantes está diretamente relacionada ao desempenho para as escolas dentro de uma mesma faixa do indicador socioeconômico. Foram realizados testes de correlação e regressão entre as variáveis de interesse com dados de 925.090 estudantes e 499.089 professores vinculados a 14.945 escolas que atingiram as condições para cálculo do Enem por Escola. Os achados corroboram as indicações da literatura, que também aponta para impactos positivos dos professores no desempenho discente, em variadas dimensões, confirmando a atuação do professor como fator contextual associado ao desempenho sobre o qual a escola possui autonomia de ação, ainda que os coeficientes de correlação encontrados tenham sido baixos

Tradição liberal e exportação de democracia na era Bush

Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Instituto de Relações Internacionais, 2010.A doutrina de política externa dos Estados Unidos foi submetida a uma mudança brusca após os eventos de 11 de setembro de 2001. O foco principal deste trabalho é a mudança na estratégia de exportação de democracia; que variou de uma baseada no exemplo e na persuasão para outra que prefere a intervenção direta e o uso da força. Defende-se aqui que pressões estruturais do sistema internacional não contam toda a história de tal transformação, e que uma análise da influência das idéias no ajuste estratégico pode fornecer uma explicação mais interessante. Argumenta-se ainda que, embora apresente mudanças significativas em diversos aspectos, a Doutrina Bush, ao privilegiar o liberalismo e a democracia, se encaixa exatamente dentro da tradição diplomática dos Estados Unidos. A influência do liberalismo é avaliada pela análise de discursos do Presidente e de seus Secretários de Estado. Conclui-se que a promoção de democracia não é apenas mais um dos instrumentos de política externa; ao contrário, ela é central para a identidade política e o senso de propósito nacional dos Estados Unidos. _________________________________________________________________________________ ABSTRACTThe U.S. foreign policy doctrine was submitted to an abrupt change after the events of September 11, 2001. The main focus of this work is the change in the strategy of democracy promotion; which varied from one based on example and persuasion to another that prefers the direct intervention and the use of force. We argue that pressures from the international system do not explain enough such transformation, and that the influence of ideas in the strategic adjustment of the foreign policy can provide a better explanation. We argue yet that, although the Bush Doctrine represents significant changes in several aspects, when favoring liberalism and democracy, fits perfectly the diplomatic tradition of the United States. The liberal influence on American foreign policy is evaluated by the content analysis of the President's and his Secretaries of State’s speeches. The conclusion is that democracy promotion is not just another foreign policy instrument; on the contrary, it is central to U.S. political identity and its sense of national purpose

The essential role of democracy in the Bush Doctrine: the invasions of Iraq and Afghanistan

Everyone knows that democracy played a role in the Bush Doctrine. What not everyone knows is that this role was essential for the doctrine to be put into operation under which the Iraq invasion was prepared and launched. We argue moreover that, even if aggressive, the Bush doctrine is compatible with the American Liberal Tradition. To demonstrate these arguments we analyze the links between democracy, security, and the US national interests as expressed in the pillars of the American foreign policy since the end of Cold War. The consequential belief of the Bush Administration on the positive effect of exporting democracy by the use of force to Afghanistan and Iraq to fight terrorism will be remarked. It will be shown, however, that in the first years of the Bush Administration, among the justifications for the military interventions in the two countries, security reasons prevailed over democratic concerns, although the latter was significantly present since the early hours after September 11. It was only when it became clear that WMDs did not exist in Iraq that the exporting of democracy as the ultimate weapon to fight terrorism grew remarkably and prevailed over security reasons to invade those rogue states. The paper uses quantitative and qualitative content analysis of the speeches of President Bush and his Secretaries of State and Defense

Interests and Values in Obama's foreign Policy: Leading from Behind?

Abstract This study will exam the relative importance of values and interests in Obama's foreign policy, focusing on crucial cases: the military actions related to Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Non-Syria, Al-Qaeda and ISIL. We will argue that his "leading from behind" strategy is not very distant from the foreign and defense strategies of his post-Cold War predecessors, by which democracy is seen as an assurance to security. According to Obama's strategy, Americans will only provide support for the building of democracy in the target countries, while this task should be performed by the locals themselves. Americans will provide military training to the new governments as well so they can be responsible for their own security, including preventing regrouping of terrorists in their soil. If Obama opposes the imposing of democracy by the use of force, empirical data shows that his administration is "not prepared to accept" any option that threats US security or American liberal-democratic values, bringing in this way values and interests very close to each other

Geoeconomic variations in epidemiology, ventilation management, and outcomes in invasively ventilated intensive care unit patients without acute respiratory distress syndrome: a pooled analysis of four observational studies

Background: Geoeconomic variations in epidemiology, the practice of ventilation, and outcome in invasively ventilated intensive care unit (ICU) patients without acute respiratory distress syndrome (ARDS) remain unexplored. In this analysis we aim to address these gaps using individual patient data of four large observational studies. Methods: In this pooled analysis we harmonised individual patient data from the ERICC, LUNG SAFE, PRoVENT, and PRoVENT-iMiC prospective observational studies, which were conducted from June, 2011, to December, 2018, in 534 ICUs in 54 countries. We used the 2016 World Bank classification to define two geoeconomic regions: middle-income countries (MICs) and high-income countries (HICs). ARDS was defined according to the Berlin criteria. Descriptive statistics were used to compare patients in MICs versus HICs. The primary outcome was the use of low tidal volume ventilation (LTVV) for the first 3 days of mechanical ventilation. Secondary outcomes were key ventilation parameters (tidal volume size, positive end-expiratory pressure, fraction of inspired oxygen, peak pressure, plateau pressure, driving pressure, and respiratory rate), patient characteristics, the risk for and actual development of acute respiratory distress syndrome after the first day of ventilation, duration of ventilation, ICU length of stay, and ICU mortality. Findings: Of the 7608 patients included in the original studies, this analysis included 3852 patients without ARDS, of whom 2345 were from MICs and 1507 were from HICs. Patients in MICs were younger, shorter and with a slightly lower body-mass index, more often had diabetes and active cancer, but less often chronic obstructive pulmonary disease and heart failure than patients from HICs. Sequential organ failure assessment scores were similar in MICs and HICs. Use of LTVV in MICs and HICs was comparable (42·4% vs 44·2%; absolute difference -1·69 [-9·58 to 6·11] p=0·67; data available in 3174 [82%] of 3852 patients). The median applied positive end expiratory pressure was lower in MICs than in HICs (5 [IQR 5-8] vs 6 [5-8] cm H2O; p=0·0011). ICU mortality was higher in MICs than in HICs (30·5% vs 19·9%; p=0·0004; adjusted effect 16·41% [95% CI 9·52-23·52]; p<0·0001) and was inversely associated with gross domestic product (adjusted odds ratio for a US$10 000 increase per capita 0·80 [95% CI 0·75-0·86]; p<0·0001). Interpretation: Despite similar disease severity and ventilation management, ICU mortality in patients without ARDS is higher in MICs than in HICs, with a strong association with country-level economic status