Present-day Spanish fashion lexicon dresses up in English

Lexical borrowings can be regarded as one of the clearest and most direct consequences of any language contact situation. However, not all the borrowings that enter a language are alike. Since their entrance in a given language is motivated by different reasons, two general kinds of borrowings must be distinguished: necessary borrowings which name ideas and concepts for which the recipient language does not have any equivalent term; and superfluous borrowings which, on the contrary, refer to realities for which the recipient language already has equivalent terms. This paper focuses on the latter type. Specifically, it presents a diachronic corpus-based analysis of 14 English fashion terms with a clear Spanish lexical counterpart —blazer/‘chaqueta’, celebrity/‘famoso’, clutch/‘bolso de mano’, cool/‘de moda’, fashion/‘moda’, fashionable/‘de moda’, fashionista/ ‘adicto a la moda’, jeans/‘vaqueros’, nude/‘color carne’, photocall/‘sesión de fotos’, shorts/‘pantalones cortos’, sporty/‘deportivo’, trench/‘trinchera, gabardina’, and trendy/‘moderno’— in four Spanish corpora: the Corpus del Español, and the CORDE, CREA and CORPES XXI corpora. My objectives are twofold: firstly, to demonstrate to what extent these unnecessary Anglicisms are increasingly becoming part of the everyday contemporary Peninsular Spanish fashion lexicon; and secondly, to account for the three reasons that underlie their alleged constant entrance in twenty-first century Peninsular Spanish: (i) globalization and the impact of English on Spanish; (ii) the highly visible presence of English in the field of advertising; (iii) and the selling power of English

Social Networks: A Source of Lexical Innovation and Creativity in Contemporary Peninsular Spanish

There is no doubt that the Internet, where English is ubiquitous, has revolutionized our way of life. Socially, it has opened frontiers to such an extent that nowadays human beings can be permanently connected, no matter the distance between them, in virtual encounters where social networks play a crucial role. Linguistically, on the other hand, it has created a new global language which combines properties of written and oral speech. The Internet’s lexical level, in particular, is described as extremely innovative, creative and playful since it is full of neologisms, many of which are Anglicisms, coined to name the new realities constantly brought along with the evolution of the digital world. In order to demonstrate that social networks are indeed the source of a wide array of creative and playful neological Anglicisms in Peninsular Spanish, we have carried out a corpus-based analysis of the names of five current social and interactive forms of Internet communication in two contemporary Spanish corpora; specifically, that of the indirect social network generically known as the blog and those of the direct social networks Facebook, Instagram, Twitter and WhatsApp. Our study focuses, specifically, on four facets of these neological Anglicisms: (i) their date of introduction into the language; (ii) their frequency of occurrence; (iii) their diverse spellings; and (iv) finally, the different word-formation processes they enterThis research has been funded by the European Regional Development Fund and the Regional Government of Andalusia (FEDER Andalucía 2014–2020), project number UPO-125474

On the Frequency of Ocurrence of Cognate Object Constructions in Present-Day British English. A Preliminary Corpus-Based Analysis.

Despite having always being a central subject-matter in linguistics due to their controversial syntactico-semantic and pragmatic status, the pragmatic dimension of English cognate object constructions of the type He died a gruesome death and She smiled an enigmatic smile has almost gone unnoticed in the literature. For this reason, and with the intention of shedding some light on the real frequency of occurrence of cognate object constructions in present-day British English, the present paper reports on a preliminary, but thorough and exhaustive, corpus-based analysis in the British National Corpus of the four verbal classes that, according to Levin (1993), seem to be potentially compatible with cognate objects: namely, (i) verbs of nonverbal expression; (ii)manner of speaking verbs; (iii) waltz verbs; (iv) and a fourth class which, including the semantically diverse verbs dream, fight, live, sing, sleep and think, describe recurrent processes and activities in the behaviour of human beings. I will prove, first, that cognate object constructions are not as recurrent in contemporary British English as could be expected a priori and, second, I will account for the main reasons underlying their scarce production.Pese a haber ocupado siempre un lugar destacado dentro del campo de la investigación lingüística debido a su controvertido comportamiento sintácticosemántico y pragmático, la dimensión pragmática de las estructuras inglesas de objeto cognado del tipo de He died a gruesome death y She smiled an enigmatic smile ha pasado prácticamente desapercibida en la literatura. Por ello, y con la intención de arrojar algo de luz sobre la frecuencia de uso real de las construcciones de objeto cognado en inglés contemporáneo, este trabajo presenta un análisis de corpus preliminar, pero exhaustivo y meticuloso, de las cuatro clases verbales que, según Levin (1993), parecen ser potencialmente compatibles con un objeto cognado en el Corpus Nacional Británico: a saber, (i) los verbos de expresión no verbal; (ii) los verbos que indican una forma concreta de hablar; (iii) los verbos waltz de movimiento; (iv) y un cuarto grupo que, pese a incluir verbos pertenecientes a clases semánticas diferentes (i.e. dream, fight, live, sing, sleep y think), describe procesos y actividades comunes en el comportamiento diario de los seres humanos. Mi objetivo será demostrar, en primer lugar, que las estructuras de objeto cognado se encuentran muy restringidas en inglés británico contemporáneo para proceder posteriormente a exponer las razones fundamentales que explican el por qué de su escaso uso

Durmiendo sueños and borracheras: Transitive structures with the verb dormir

En este trabajo se estudian, a través de un análisis de corpus llevado a cabo en el CORPES XXI, los posibles usos transitivos del verbo dormir en la variedad peninsular del español. Los resultados obtenidos demuestran que la transitividad de dicho verbo no puede reducirse, como se suele indicar en la bibliografía al respecto, a la construcción de objeto cognado, puesto que, además de en esta, dormir experimenta un proceso de transitivización en otras tres construcciones: (I) las causativas léxicas; (II) otras de clara tipología germánica; (III) y finalmente, estructuras de carácter adverbial.This papes studies, by means of a corpus-based analysis carried out in the CORPES XXI corpus, the possible transitive uses of the verb dormir in Peninsular Spanish. Our findings show that the transitivity of this verb cannot be reduced, as usually pointed out in the bibliography, to the cognate object construction since, in addition to this pattern, dormir undergoes a transitivization process in three other constructions: (I) lexical causative patterns; (II) structures which are typologically clearly Germanic; (III) and finally, constructions of adverbial nature.La presente investigación ha sido financiada por el Fondo Europeo de Desarrollo Regional (FEDER) y por la Consejería de Economía, Conocimiento, Empresas y Universidad de la Junta de Andalucía, en el marco del programa operativo FEDER Andalucía 2014-2020. Objetivo específico 1.2.3. “Fomento y generación de conocimiento frontera y de conocimiento orientado a los retos de la sociedad, desarrollo de tecnologías emergentes” en el marco del proyecto de investigación de referencia UPO-1254742

Le système attributif de devenir dans l'interlangue des étudiants anglais d’espagnol comme langue étrangère. Problèmes d’interférence et proposition de solution

Este trabajo presenta un estudio contrastivo de corpus sobre el sistema atributivo de devenir en la interlengua de los estudiantes ingleses de español, donde se examinan los errores encontrados en su producción. En concreto, el análisis de hacerse, ponerse, volverse, que-darse, llegar a (ser) y convertirse en en los corpus de aprendices CEDEL2, CAES y SPLLOC demuestra que la adquisición de este área específica del español, mucho más desarrollada y restringida en términos sintáctico-semánticos que su contrapartida inglesa, debido principal-mente a la ausencia de un verbo atributivo equivalente a become, resulta extremadamente difícil para los estudiantes ingleses. Los resultados obtenidos constatan, primero, la presencia indiscutible de la lengua materna del estudiante en la adquisición de este grupo verbal español y sugieren, consecuentemente, que su enseñanza debería apoyarse en estudios contrastivos que enfaticen las semejanzas y diferencias entre sendas lenguas, contribuyendo, así, a evitar los errores detectados en la producción de los estudiantes.This paper presents a contrastive corpusbased interlanguage study of the attributive system of becoming, where the errors made by the English learners of Spanish are examined. Specifically, the analysis of hacerse, ponerse, volverse, quedarse, llegar a (ser) and convertirse en carried out in the learner corpora CEDEL2, CAES and SPLLOC demonstrates that the acquisition of this particular area of Spanish grammar, much broader in scope and more syntacticosemantically constrained than its English counterpart, due mainly to the lack of an attributive verb equivalent to become, proves extremely difficult for English learners. The findings obtained show, first, that the students’ mother tongue is highly present in the acquisition of this specific Spanish verbal group and, consequently, suggest that its teaching should be supported with contrastive analyses that, by highlighting the similarities and differences between both languages, will help learners avoid the common mistakes found in their production.Cet article présente une étude contrastive du corpus sur le système attributif de devenir dans l'interlangue des étudiants anglais d’espagnol, où les erreurs dans leur production sont examinées. Plus précisément, l'analyse de hacerse, ponerse, volverse, quedarse, llegar a (ser) et convertirse dans le corpus des apprenants CEDEL2, CAES et SPLLOC montre que l'acquisition de ce domaine spécifique de l'espagnol, beaucoup plus développé et syntaxico-sémantiquement restreint que son équivalent anglais, principalement en raison de l'absence d'un verbe attributif équivalent à become, reste extrêmement difficile pour les étudiants anglais. Les résultats obtenus constatent, en premier lieu, la présence indéniable de la langue maternelle de l'élève dans l'acquisition de ce groupe verbal espagnol et suggèrent, par conséquent, que son enseignement devrait être basé sur des études contrastives qui soulignent les similitudes et les différences entre les langues respectives, contribuant, ainsi, à éviter les erreurs détectées dans la production des étudiants

Tiempo, aspecto y modo en segundas lenguas (TAML2). Estudios recientes de Lingüística Aplicada

There is no doubt that the acquisition of tense, aspect and modality in second languages (TAML2) is a widely studied topic, due to the complexity it entails, being, in fact, one of the most fruitful lines of research in the field of Second Language Acquisition (SLA). However, after a long tradition of 30 years of study, which has brought to light numerous and important findings as regards how these three grammatical categories are acquired by second language learners, such as, for instance, the Aspect Hypothesis (AH) (Andersen & Shirai, 1996), the Discourse Hypothesis (Bardovi-Harlig, 2000), the Default Past Tense Hypothesis (Salaberry, 1999), and the Lexical Underspecification Hypothesis (Giacalone-Ramat & Rastelli, 2008), in the twenty-first century there are still many unanswered questions related to their acquisition in second languages

Trisomy 8, A Cytogenetic Abnormality In Myelodysplastic Syndromes, Is Constitutional Or Not?

Isolated trisomy 8 is not considered presumptive evidence of myelodysplastic syndrome (MDS) in cases without minimal morphological criteria. One reason given is that trisomy 8 (+8) can be found as a constitutional mosaicism (cT8M). We tried to clarify the incidence of cT8M in myeloid neoplasms, specifically in MDS, and the diagnostic value of isolated +8 in MDS. Twenty-two MDS and 10 other myeloid neoplasms carrying +8 were studied. Trisomy 8 was determined in peripheral blood by conventional cytogenetics (CC) and on granulocytes, CD3+ lymphocytes and oral mucosa cells by fluorescence in situ hybridization (FISH). In peripheral blood CC, +8 was seen in 4/32 patients. By FISH, only one patient with chronic myelomonocytic leukemia showed +8 in all cell samples and was interpreted as a cT8M. In our series +8 was acquired in all MDS. Probably, once discarded cT8M by FISH from CD3+ lymphocytes and non-hematological cells, +8 should be considered with enough evidence to MDS

Role of age and comorbidities in mortality of patients with infective endocarditis

[Purpose]: The aim of this study was to analyse the characteristics of patients with IE in three groups of age and to assess the ability of age and the Charlson Comorbidity Index (CCI) to predict mortality. [Methods]: Prospective cohort study of all patients with IE included in the GAMES Spanish database between 2008 and 2015.Patients were stratified into three age groups:<65 years,65 to 80 years,and ≥ 80 years.The area under the receiver-operating characteristic (AUROC) curve was calculated to quantify the diagnostic accuracy of the CCI to predict mortality risk. [Results]: A total of 3120 patients with IE (1327 < 65 years;1291 65-80 years;502 ≥ 80 years) were enrolled.Fever and heart failure were the most common presentations of IE, with no differences among age groups.Patients ≥80 years who underwent surgery were significantly lower compared with other age groups (14.3%,65 years; 20.5%,65-79 years; 31.3%,≥80 years). In-hospital mortality was lower in the <65-year group (20.3%,<65 years;30.1%,65-79 years;34.7%,≥80 years;p < 0.001) as well as 1-year mortality (3.2%, <65 years; 5.5%, 65-80 years;7.6%,≥80 years; p = 0.003).Independent predictors of mortality were age ≥ 80 years (hazard ratio [HR]:2.78;95% confidence interval [CI]:2.32–3.34), CCI ≥ 3 (HR:1.62; 95% CI:1.39–1.88),and non-performed surgery (HR:1.64;95% CI:11.16–1.58).When the three age groups were compared,the AUROC curve for CCI was significantly larger for patients aged <65 years(p < 0.001) for both in-hospital and 1-year mortality. [Conclusion]: There were no differences in the clinical presentation of IE between the groups. Age ≥ 80 years, high comorbidity (measured by CCI),and non-performance of surgery were independent predictors of mortality in patients with IE.CCI could help to identify those patients with IE and surgical indication who present a lower risk of in-hospital and 1-year mortality after surgery, especially in the <65-year group

Spatiotemporal Characteristics of the Largest HIV-1 CRF02_AG Outbreak in Spain: Evidence for Onward Transmissions

Background and Aim: The circulating recombinant form 02_AG (CRF02_AG) is the predominant clade among the human immunodeficiency virus type-1 (HIV-1) non-Bs with a prevalence of 5.97% (95% Confidence Interval-CI: 5.41–6.57%) across Spain. Our aim was to estimate the levels of regional clustering for CRF02_AG and the spatiotemporal characteristics of the largest CRF02_AG subepidemic in Spain.Methods: We studied 396 CRF02_AG sequences obtained from HIV-1 diagnosed patients during 2000–2014 from 10 autonomous communities of Spain. Phylogenetic analysis was performed on the 391 CRF02_AG sequences along with all globally sampled CRF02_AG sequences (N = 3,302) as references. Phylodynamic and phylogeographic analysis was performed to the largest CRF02_AG monophyletic cluster by a Bayesian method in BEAST v1.8.0 and by reconstructing ancestral states using the criterion of parsimony in Mesquite v3.4, respectively.Results: The HIV-1 CRF02_AG prevalence differed across Spanish autonomous communities we sampled from (p &lt; 0.001). Phylogenetic analysis revealed that 52.7% of the CRF02_AG sequences formed 56 monophyletic clusters, with a range of 2–79 sequences. The CRF02_AG regional dispersal differed across Spain (p = 0.003), as suggested by monophyletic clustering. For the largest monophyletic cluster (subepidemic) (N = 79), 49.4% of the clustered sequences originated from Madrid, while most sequences (51.9%) had been obtained from men having sex with men (MSM). Molecular clock analysis suggested that the origin (tMRCA) of the CRF02_AG subepidemic was in 2002 (median estimate; 95% Highest Posterior Density-HPD interval: 1999–2004). Additionally, we found significant clustering within the CRF02_AG subepidemic according to the ethnic origin.Conclusion: CRF02_AG has been introduced as a result of multiple introductions in Spain, following regional dispersal in several cases. We showed that CRF02_AG transmissions were mostly due to regional dispersal in Spain. The hot-spot for the largest CRF02_AG regional subepidemic in Spain was in Madrid associated with MSM transmission risk group. The existence of subepidemics suggest that several spillovers occurred from Madrid to other areas. CRF02_AG sequences from Hispanics were clustered in a separate subclade suggesting no linkage between the local and Hispanic subepidemics

Two types of change-of-state attributes in English

Contrary to the common belief that all attributes denoting a change of state belong to one and the same uniform class, we strongly defend in the present paper the existence of two distinct syntactic-semantic kinds of change of state attributes in the English language: on the one hand, those that complement the aspectual variants of the semantically vacuous copula be; and, on the other hand, those that combine with lexically autonomous verbs and are, therefore, optional for the grammaticality of the construction. Due to the markedly different behaviour they exhibit, we are going to distinguish both classes of attributes from a terminological point of view: we will call the members of the former group 'change of state attributes', strictly speaking, and those of the latter type, resultative attributes. To prove our hypothesis, we are going to base our study mainly on the nature of the verbal constituent that surfaces in the attributive structure and, as a consequence, on the syntactic and semantic relation it maintains with the attribute under discussion