The social relations of health care and household resource allocation in neoliberal Nicaragua

<p>Abstract</p> <p>Background</p> <p>With the transition to neoliberalism, Nicaragua's once-critically acclaimed health care services have substantially diminished. Local level social formations have been under pressure to try to bridge gaps as the state's role in the provision of health care and other vital social services has decreased. This paper presents a case study of how global and national health policies reverberated in the social relations of an extended network of female kin in a rural community during late 2002 - 2003.</p> <p>Methods</p> <p>The qualitative methods used in this ethnographic study included semi-structured interviews completed during bi-weekly visits to 51 households, background interviews with 20 lay and professional health practitioners working in the public and private sectors, and participant-observation conducted in the region's government health centers. Interviews and observational field notes were manually coded and iteratively reviewed to identify and conceptually organize emergent themes. Three households of extended kin were selected from the larger sample to examine as a case study.</p> <p>Results</p> <p>The ongoing erosion of vital services formerly provided by the public sector generated considerable frustration and tension among households, networks of extended kin, and neighbors. As resource allocations for health care seeking and other needs were negotiated within and across households, longstanding ideals of reciprocal exchange persisted, but in conditions of poverty, expectations were often unfulfilled, exposing the tension between the need for social support, versus the increasingly oppositional positioning of social network members as sources of competition for limited resources.</p> <p>Conclusions</p> <p>In compliance with neoliberal structural adjustment policies mandated by multilateral and bilateral agencies, government-provided health care services have been severely restricted in Nicaragua. As the national safety net for health care has been eroded, the viability of local level social formations and their ability to respond to struggles collectively has been put at risk as well. Bi-lateral and multilateral agencies need to take into account local needs and demands, and implement policies in a manner that respects national laws, and protects both the physical and social well-being of individuals.</p

Implications of higher global food prices for poverty in low-income countries-super-1

In many poor countries, the recent increases in prices of staple foods have raised the real incomes of those selling food, many of whom are relatively poor, while hurting net food consumers, many of whom are also relatively poor. The impacts on poverty will certainly be very diverse, but the average impact on poverty depends upon the balance between these two effects, and can only be determined by looking at real-world data. Results using household data for 10 observations on nine low-income countries show that the short-run impacts of higher staple food prices on poverty differ considerably by commodity and by country, but that poverty increases are much more frequent, and larger, than poverty reductions. The recent large increases in food prices appear likely to raise overall poverty in low-income countries substantially. Copyright (c) 2008 International Association of Agricultural Economists.

Militarized Justice in New Democracies: Explaining the Process of Military Court Reform in Latin America

While a large body of literature emphasizes the importance of judicial reform in new democracies, few scholars have examined the reform of military justice systems in these settings—despite the potential for these courts to compete directly with civilian courts and subvert the rule of law. This article focuses on Latin America to empirically examine how the process of reforming military courts has played out in each democracy following authoritarian rule. We outline two distinct pathways: (1) unilateral efforts on the part of civilian reformers, and (2) strategic bargains between civilian reformers and the military. Within the unilateral category, we further distinguish efforts driven by civilian courts, those pursued by politicians, and those undertaken in the context of larger political transformations. Ultimately, we find that, absent a dramatic defeat of an authoritarian regime and its armed forces, reform efforts that do not engage and bargain with the military directly often fail to achieve long-term compliance and improvements in human rights practices. The success of such reform efforts, therefore, may come at a cost in other areas of democracy and civil-military relations. We conclude the article by summarizing our findings and reflecting on the lessons they provide for ongoing military justice reform efforts around the globe