Comparison of glistenings formation and their effect on forward light scatter between the Acrysof SN60WF and Eternity Natural Uni NW-60 intraocular lenses

Aims: To compare the characteristics of glistenings and forward light scatter between the Alcon Acrysof SN60WF and Santen Eternity Natural Uni NW-60 intraocular lenses (IOLs). Methods: Five Acrysof SN60WF and five Eternity Natural Uni NW-60 IOLs were studied. All IOLs were single piece blue blockers with the same dioptric power (20D) and optic diameter (6.0 mm). Glistenings were induced by a thermal accelerated ageing process. Glistenings were objectively quantified using bespoke image processing software. The angular distribution of forward light scatter was measured using an optical bench system and the straylight parameter calculated from the light scatter function. Results: The median increase in the number of glistenings was 15 and 525 for the Eternity and Acrysof IOLs, respectively, which was statistically significantly different (p=0.012). Median glistenings diameter was 23.8 μm (Acrysof) and 32.8 μm (Eternity). Four (80%) of the Acrysof lenses had straylight values higher than a 20-year-old CIE standard glare observer and in two cases the straylight exceeded that of the 70-year-old CIE standard glare observer. None of the Eternity lenses had straylight values that exceeded the value for the 20-year-old CIE standard glare observer. Conclusions: The Eternity Natural Uni NW-60 IOLs resisted the induction of glistenings more than the Acrysof SN60WF IOLs. Although the Acrysof IOLs developed smaller glistenings than the Eternity IOLs, there were sufficient numbers to produce a higher straylight parameter

PERFORMING ANAPHORA IN MODERN GREEK: A NEO-GRICEAN PRAGMATIC ANALYSIS

The paper addresses the problem of interpreting anaphoric NPs in Modern Greek. It includes a proposal of a novel analysis based on the systematic interaction of the neo- Gricean pragmatic principles of communication, which provides a neat and elegant approach to NP-anaphora resolution. The findings of this study provide evidence for an account of NP-anaphora in terms of the division of labour between syntax and pragmatics and more accurately in terms of the systematic interaction of the neo-Gricean pragmatic principles

Feature inheritance, vP phases and the information structure of small clauses

In this paper we explore the interaction of discourse properties in the syntax of small clauses from a cross-linguistic perspective. In line with Chomsky’s (2007, 2008) idea that phasal properties should be extended to all phases, we argue for a strict parallelism between C-T and v-V, suggesting that v enters the derivation with both agreement and discourse features. These features may be inherited by V depending on the relevant language. Building on Miyagawa (2010) and Jim enez-Fern andez (2010), we claim that in Spanish and Greek, in contrast with English, both agreement and discourse features are inherited by V. This strategy accounts for the different order rearrangements detected in small clauses. The proposal can easily be extended to other languages such as Italian, Serbo-Croatian, Russian and Ukrainian, as opposed to French, Norwegian, Afrikaans and Germa

'Subject' in English and Greek

(no abstract available

Greek ECM constructions revisited

In the present study we will revisit Greek constructions such as those in (i) which closely resemble English ECM (Exceptional Case Marking) structures.(i)          perimena to jani na fiγi noris(ii)        I expected John to leave earlyThese constructions have been examined by Philippaki-Warburton (1977 and 1987) and by Kakouriotis (1980) within earlier theoretical frameworks and more recently by Philippaki-Warburton and Spyropoulos (1996) within the Minimalist Programme (MP). However, these analyses have overlooked related structures such as those in (iii) which contain in addition an accusative clitic attached to the main verb but associated with the subject of the complement clause.(iii)      ton perimena to jani na fiγi norisThese constructions raise a number of questions concerning (a) the source of the main clause clitic, (b) the syntactic status of the accusative DP [to jani] (case and θ-role assignment) and (c) the connection between the main clause clitic and the main clause verb