Assessing the Value of Time Travel Savings – A Feasibility Study on Humberside.

It is expected that the opening of the Humber Bridge will cause major changes to travel patterns around Humberside; given the level of tolls as currently stated, many travellers will face decisions involving a trade-off between travel time, money outlay on tolls or fares and money outlay on private vehicle running costs; this either in the context of destination choice, mode choice or route choice. This report sets out the conclusions of a preliminary study of the feasibility of inferring values of travel time savings from observations made on the outcomes of these decisions. Methods based on aggregate data of destination choice are found t o be inefficient; a disaggregate mode choice study i s recommended, subject to caveats on sample size

Multimodal Choice Modelling – Some Relevant Issues.

This paper gives an overview of the most relevant issues relating to the application of multimodal choice models ranging from data considerations, such as alternative sampling strategies and measurement techniques, to the hotly debated aggregation issue. Particular emphasis is placed on the specification and estimation problems of disaggregate choice models

Valuing Noise Level Reductions in a Residential Location Context

The noise levels measured in metropolitan streets are on many occasions over the norms but the consequences of this as a health hazard are only starting to be questioned; this is obviously worse in the large cities of the second and third worlds. A stated preference (SP) experiment was designed to estimate the willingness-to-pay (WTP) for reducing the noise level in a group based residential location context. Important issues were the proper definition of the context and the variable metric for the environmental attribute. The experiment considered variations of the attributes travel time to work, monthly house rent, position of the dwelling with respect to the sun and subjective noise level inside it; objective levels were also measured after the experiment. With this data we estimated Multinomial Logit and Mixed Logit (ML) models based on a consistent microeconomic framework, with linear and non-linear utility functions and allowing for various stratifications of the data. The more flexible ML models also allow to treat the repeated observations problem common to SP data and, as expected, gave a better fit to the data. Based on these models we estimated subjective values of time, that were consistent with previous values obtained in the country, and also sensible values for the WTP for reductions in the subjective noise level at a given location

Road Safety Valuation under a Stated Choice Framework

The value of fatal risk reductions is a vital input for road safety cost-benefit analysis. It has been traditionally estimated by means of contingent valuation in spite of growing criticism surrounding this approach. Furthermore, many believe that risk-money trade-offs are not well understood due to the difficulty in internalizing tiny risks. We have succeeded in applying the Stated Choice (SC) approach to tackle this problem, using as one of the attributes the number of accidents with fatal victims (i.e. a proxy for risk). To assess the robustness of SC, we conducted an external validity test based on results for three different studies. We investigated if preferences were well defined according to economic theory (i.e. as initial risk increases, the marginal willingness-to-pay should be higher). We also addressed the generally ignored issue of whether there should be a unique value of fatal risk reductions. We found that people can internalize risk consistently from an economic viewpoint, and that although each sample yields different values of risk reductions, there was a relationship between the risk level and the value of risk reductions in each context examined; this evidence could be most helpful within the context of developing countries. Finally, we offer an hypothesis to explain the differences between our values with those obtained in industrialised countries, highlighting the importance of doing local studies rather than transferring imported values

Universal Healthcare Program -CUS- vs. The right to Healthcare. An Ethical and Political Analysis about what “Universal” Healthcare is in “Conservative Restoration Times”

El objetivo del trabajo es el análisis crítico de la Cobertura Universal de Salud -CUS- impuesta por el actual gobierno argentino bajo el Decreto de Necesidad de Urgencia 908/2016. Nuestra hipótesis general gira en torno a mostrar cómo las políticas neoconservadoras, que se esconden bajo el discurso universalista de la CUS, hacen uso del poder estatal para transferir fondos pú-blicos al sector privado. Esto es, no sólo usan al mismo Estado -criticado por estas políticas como ineficiente-; sino que dejan en peligro al mismo derecho a la salud que dicen proteger. A través del análisis ético y político de la filosofía subyacente en la CUS, estudiaremos: (I) sus finalidades y elmodelo sanitario propuesto; (II) sus métodos de apropiación de conceptos populares igualitarios para perseguir efectos neutralizadores, al igualque lo hiciera antes el Banco Mundial (De la Atención Primaria Salud -APS- Integral a la APS selectiva). Por último (III), mostraremos cómo la CUS, lejos de favorecer el derecho a la salud priorizando la medicina preventiva y laEvaluación Integral de Determinantes Sociales, desplaza esta prioridad de nuestra sociedad por la extrapolada Evaluación de Tecnologías Sanitarias y la modernización informática sanitaria propia de sociedades desarrolladas.The objective of this paper is a critical analysis of the Cobertura Universal de Salud -a Universal Healthcare Program in Argentina- (CUS, in its Spanish acronym). My general hypothesis revolves around demonstrating how neoconservative policies, which hide behind by a CUS universalist discourse, make use of State power in order to transfer public funds to the private sector. In other words, not only do they use the State -which is criticised as being inefficient for these policies- but they also endanger the right to healthcare that they claim they protect. Through an ethical and political analysis of the philosophy behind the CUS, I will explore: (I) its purposes and the model of healthcare proposed. (II) How it appropriates popular egalitarian concepts in order to pursue neutralising effects, as it did before the World Bank (from Integral Primary Healthcare to Selective Primary Healthcare). Finally (III) I will show how the CUS does not favour the right to healthcare by prioritising preventative medicine and the integral evaluation of social determinants. Rather, it displaces this priority in our society for an extrapolated Health Technology Assessment and modernised Health Informatics, characteristic of developed societies.Fil: de Ortuzar, Maria Graciela. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentin

Ethics and intersectional discrimination in the health care of regional migrants ( gender, ethnicity, functional diversity, social class, geopolitical factor, interculturality, eco determinants)

El objetivo del trabajo es analizar las discriminaciones entrecruzadas que operan en las identidades múltiples de las mujeres migrantes regionales (paraguayas y bolivianas) en el campo de la salud en Argentina durante la pandemia. Comenzaremos con el estudio crítico categorías claves y del origen de las desigualdades de derecho de la citada discriminación en políticas de migraciones (discriminación interseccional; vulnerabilidad, injusticia epistémica y diálogo intercultural en salud). En segundo lugar, abordaremos las desigualdades de hecho, examinando particularmente las desigualdades socio económicas que padecen las migrantas durante la pandemia. En tercer lugar, en pos de habilitar formas alternativas de cuidado y autocuidado desde el reconocimiento de su etnicidad y del inseparable cuidado de la tierra, proponemos la aplicación del concepto de justicia participativa territorial como condición del diálogo intercultural en salud de migrantas. La finalidad es promover diálogos de saberes situados por fuera de los consejos burocráticos, y ampliando la base social de derechos sanitarios, desde una pluriculturalidad ejercida en redes de cuidados de mujeres migrantes en territorio; y no desde su participación domesticada.The objective of the work is to analyze the intersectional discriminations that operate in the multiple identities of regional migrant women (Paraguayan and Bolivian) in the field of health in Argentina during the present pandemic (COVID 19). We will begin with the critical study of key categories and the origin of the inequalities of law of the aforementioned discrimination in migration policies (intersectional discrimination; vulnerability, epistemic injustice and intercultural dialogue in health). Second, we will address de facto inequalities, particularly examining the socio-economic inequalities suffered by migrants during the pandemic. Thirdly, in order to enable alternative forms of care and self-care from the recognition of their ethnicity and the inseparable care of the earth, we propose the application of the concept of territorial participatory justice as a condition of intercultural dialogue in health. As a proposal, it seeks to promote dialogues of knowledge located outside the bureaucratic councils and expanding the social base of health rights from the pluriculturality exercised in care networks of migrant women in the territory and not from their domesticated participation.Fil: de Ortuzar, Maria Graciela. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Conicet - La Plata. Instituto de Investigaciones en Humanidades y Ciencias Sociales. Universidad Nacional de La Plata. Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación. Instituto de Investigaciones en Humanidades y Ciencias Sociales; Argentin

Migrantes “vulneráveis”?: políticas de migração e direito à saúde na argentina

A partir del aumento de la migración en Argentina se hace necesario criticar el uso de “migrantes vulnerables” como categoría estática. Nuestro objetivo, en el estudio de la intersección de políticas internacionales y nacionales, es mostrar -a través de un concepto relacional de vulnerabilidad- cómo (I) el uso instrumental de éste concepto responde (II) a un modelo de seguridad y control en migraciones (Decreto de Necesidad y Urgencia –en adelante DNU- 70/2017, ARGENTINA, 2017), contrario a la Ley de Migraciones 25.871/2003 (ARGENTINA, 2010b) y a nuestra Constitución Nacional (CN). Éste nuevo modelo se sustenta en creencias xenófobas que habilitan (III) políticas sanitarias privatistas (Decreto de Necesidad y Urgencia –DNU- 908/2016; ARGENTINA, 2016) en el marco encubierto de la restricción del acceso a la salud al migrante (“cobertura universal de la salud”). La metodología elegida consiste en el análisis ético y político de las citadas normativas que llevaron al giro neoconservador en políticas migratorias; con la consecuente profundización de la “vulnerabilidad social” de migrantes, y a la privatización de la salud en Argentina.Due to the increase in migration in Argentina, it is necessary to criticize the use of the concept of “vulnerability” as a static category applied to migrants. Our objective is to show, from (I) a relational concept of vulnerability, how its use responds; (II) to a model of migration securitization (Decree of Necessity and Urgency –DNU- 70/2017, ARGENTINA, 2017); to xenophobic prejudices as basis for the unjustified and unconstitutional imposition of the aforementioned DNU; (III) covert changes directed at privatized health policies (DNU 908/2016; ARGENTINA, 2019), deepened by the irregular situation of the migrant. The chosen methodology consists of an ethical and political analysis of the aforementioned regulations that led to the neoconservative turn of migration policies and to the advance in the privatization of the right to health in Argentina.Em função do aumento da migração na Argentina, torna-se necessário criticar o uso do conceito de “vulnerabilidade” como uma categoria estática aplicada a migrantes. Nosso objetivo consiste em mostrar, a partir de (I) um conceito relacional de vulnerabilidade, como o uso dele responde (II) a um modelo de securitização de migrações (Decreto de Necessidade e Urgência –DNU- 70/2017, ARGENTINA, 2017) a preconceitos xenófobos como base para a imposição injustificada e inconstitucional dos mencionados DNU; (III) a mudanças encobertas direcionadas a políticas de saúde privatizadas (DNU 908/2016; ARGENTINA, 2016), aprofundadas pela situação irregular do migrante. A metodologia escolhida consiste na análise ética e política das citadas regulamentações que levaram ao giro neoconservador das políticas migratórias e ao avanço na privatização do direito à saúde na Argentina.Fil: de Ortuzar, Maria Graciela. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Conicet - La Plata. Instituto de Investigaciones en Humanidades y Ciencias Sociales. Universidad Nacional de La Plata. Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación. Instituto de Investigaciones en Humanidades y Ciencias Sociales; Argentin

“Gobernanza” y “Gobernanza en salud”: ¿Una nueva forma de privatizar el poder político?

The “governance” is presented as a model of horizontal management based on the co-responsibility between the government and the private and social organizations. In the present work I propose to unmask the above mentioned concept across a historical-conceptual analysis (I) and normative (II). Thirdly, like example, I will study it “governance andhealth” (III). My general hypothesis is the following one: under the global speech of the governance he hides the appellant attacks to the Welfare State, promoting a model of efficiency that reduces the power of the distributive State to minimal State, generating major inequality for asymmetries of powerLa  “gobernanza” es  presentada como un modelo de gestión horizontal basado en la co-responsabilidad entre el gobierno y las organizaciones privadas y sociales. En el presente trabajo propongo desenmascarar dicho concepto a través de un análisis histórico-conceptual (I) y  normativo (II). En tercer lugar, a modo de ejemplo, estudiaré la “gobernanza en salud” en América Latina (III). Mi hipótesis general  es la siguiente: bajo el discurso globalizado de la gobernanza se esconde el recurrente ataque neoliberal al Estado de Bienestar, promoviendo un modelo de eficacia que reduzca el poder del Estado distributivo a Estado mínimo,y generando  mayor desigualdad por asimetrías de poder.  

Citizenship and human rights of Latin American migrants in the context of health care emergency for COVID-19 in Argentina

En el contexto de emergencia por COVID-19 en Argentina, los migrantes latinoamericanos han sido excluidos, en su mayoría, del Ingreso Familiar de Emergencia brindado por el Estado ante el cierre de fronteras y el Aislamiento Social Preventivo y Obligatorio. El objetivo del presente trabajo consistió en el análisis crítico de las razones que llevaron a esta diferencia de trato en políticas de emergencia en Argentina. En primer lugar, se (I) investigó sobre el uso del criterio restrictivo de ciudadanía moderna supuesto en políticas sociales “universalistas”, analizando la concepción de igualdad subyace a las mismas. En segundo lugar, se (II) profundizó el estudio de cómo los cambios recientes en políticas de migraciones, a partir del DNU 70/2017, llevaron a la precarización e irregularidad de situación en la que se encontraban los migrantes previamente a la emergencia por COVID 19. Aplicando una metodología multidimensional, se abordaron elementos conceptuales-filosóficos, normativos y empíricos. A modo de conclusión general, se planteó la necesidad de repensar modelos de pertenencia no circunscriptos a la nacionalidad e igualitarios, reconociendo los derechos de todo habitante y residente, y avanzando hacia nuevas concepciones post nacionales inclusivas y pluriculturales que permitan revertir la histórica vulneración de derechos humanos de migrantes.In the context of the emergency caused by COVID 19 in Argentina, Latin American migrants have, for the most part, been excluded from the State’s Emergency Family Income in the face of the closing of borders and Preventive and Compulsory Social Isolation. The objective of this paper was the critical analysis of the reasons that led to this difference in treatment in emergency policies in Argentina. First, (I) it was studied the use of the supposed restrictive criterion of modern citizenship in “universalist” social policies, and also the conception of equality underlies them. In the second place, (II) it was deepened how the recent changes in migration policies, from the DNU 70/2017, led to the precariousness and irregularity of the situation in which the migrants were previously in the emergency by COVID 19 was deepened. Applying a multidimensional methodology, conceptual-philosophical, normative and empirical elements were addressed. By way of general conclusion, the need was raised to rethink models of belonging not limited to nationality and egalitarian, recognizing the rights of every inhabitant and resident, and moving towards new inclusive and multicultural post-national conceptions that can reverse the historical violation of migrants’ human rights.Fil: de Ortuzar, Maria Graciela. Universidad Nacional de La Plata; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentin

New variables for detecting transport disadvantages. The role of social capital

[EN] This paper explores the potential role of social capital variables on the transport mode choice. Traditionally travel behavior model included social capital as empowerment factor (i.e. social capital as substitute of financial capital) or as social network influence on travel choice. Only recently constraints of social capital are considered as factors influencing travel behavior (Swanen et al, 2015, Di Ciommo & Martens, 2015).This article will show both aspects of empowerments and constraints of social capital in a dynamic way stressing two dynamic aspects of social capital: the building up social capital and use of social capital. Both aspects are related with the value of time: when you are doing something for others ( i.e. Voluntary actions, pick up all family members, etc) you are loosing your time, and your mode choice will be oriented to saving time, therefore a private mode will be chosen, while when you are using your social capital benefit (somebody else is helping you), you will easily choose the less flexible and more time consuming public transport. After defining social capital notion in both aspects of empowerments and constraints, a set of social capital variables is defined. Then two of these variables are tested through a smartphone short panel survey, where 100 individuals living or working in one surrounding southern area of Madrid have participated in entering their travel data for an entire working week. The estimated mixed-logit model that incorporated two “social capital variables: participation in voluntary activities and receiving help for various tasks (i.e. child care) show how people who have less social capital, but that are trying to build it up choose more private than public modes: building social capital stock has a cost in term of time that push people to use more flexible transport mode (i.e. private car), while people who have already a stock of social capital and can use it (i.e. helped people) receive time from others and are more relaxed in choosing a less flexible mode of transport such as public transport. Results confirm that when a new metro station is opened, the shift towards metro is higher in the case of people ”helped” and lower for those participating in some voluntary activities. From a policy point of view, it will be relevant to know if people leaving a specific area are more voluntary or helped oriented, for forecasting the future policies.Di Ciommo, F.; Ortuzar, JDD.; Comendador, J. (2016). New variables for detecting transport disadvantages. The role of social capital. En XII Congreso de ingeniería del transporte. 7, 8 y 9 de Junio, Valencia (España). Editorial Universitat Politècnica de València. 1100-1109. https://doi.org/10.4995/CIT2016.2015.2158OCS1100110