Deriving the temporal properties of future markers from aspect

Languages vary in whether or not their future markers are compatible with non-future modal readings (Tonhauser, 2011b). The present paper proposes that this Variation is determined by the aspectual architecture of a given language, more precisely if and how aspects can be stacked. Building on recent accounts of the temporal interpretation of modals (Matthewson, 2012, 2013; Kratzer, 2012; Chen et al., ta), the paper first sketches an analysis of the temporal readings of the English future marker will and then provides cross-linguistic comparison with a selected, typologically diverse set of languages (Medumba, Hausa, Gitksan, and Greek)

Temporal interpretation and cross-linguistic variation. A formal semantic analysis of temporal and aspectual reference in Hausa and Medumba

This thesis investigates temporal and aspectual reference in the typologically unrelated African languages Hausa (Chadic, Afro–Asiatic) and Medumba (Grassfields Bantu). It argues that Hausa is a genuinely tenseless language and compares the interpretation of temporally unmarked sentences in Hausa to that of morphologically tenseless sentences in Medumba, where tense marking is optional and graded. The empirical behavior of the optional temporal morphemes in Medumba motivates an analysis as existential quantifiers over times and thus provides new evidence suggesting that languages vary in whether their (past) tense is pronominal or quantificational (see also Sharvit 2014). The thesis proposes for both Hausa and Medumba that the alleged future tense marker is a modal element that obligatorily combines with a prospective future shifter (which is covert in Medumba). Cross-linguistic variation in whether or not a future marker is compatible with non-future interpretation is proposed to be predictable from the aspectual architecture of the given language.Die vorliegende Dissertation untersucht Zeitinterpretation in den afrikanischen Sprachen Hausa (Tschadisch, Afro-asiatisch) und Medumba (Grassfields Bantu). Es wird gezeigt, dass Hausa eine im technischen Sinne tempuslose Sprache ist. Außerdem wird die Interpretation von Sätzen ohne Tempus im Hausa mit der im Medumba verglichen, wo Tempusmarkierung optional und abgestuft ist. Das Verhalten der optionalen Temporalmarkierer im Medumba motiviert eine Quantorenanalyse dieser Morpheme. Im Vergleich mit anderen abgestuften Tempussprachen liefert Medumba somit neue Evidenz für die Annahme, dass Sprachen sich darin unterscheiden, ob die Semantik ihrer Tempusmorpheme über Zeitintervalle quantifiziert oder Zeitvariablen restringiert (vgl. Sharvit 2014). Es wird sowohl für Hausa als auch für Medumba eine modale Semantik für die jeweiligen Futurmarkierer vorgeschlagen. Diese treten obligatorisch mit einem semantischen Prospektiv- bzw. Futurmorphem auf, das im Hausa overt und im Medumba covert realisiert wird. Sprachvergleichend wird argumentiert, dass die Kombinationsmöglichkeiten von semantischem Aspekt in einer Sprache determinieren, ob der Futurmarkierer der jeweiligen Sprache nicht-futurische Lesarten erlaubt

Sequence of tense and cessation implicatures: evidence from Polish

In English, past tense stative clauses embedded under a past-marked attitude verb, like Eric thought that Kalina was sick, can receive two interpretations, differing on when the state of the complement is understood to hold, i.e. Kalina’s sickness precedes the time of Eric’s thinking (backward-shifted reading), or Kalina is sick at the time of Eric’s thinking (simultaneous reading). As is well known, the availability of the simultaneous reading—also called Sequence of tense (SOT)—is subject to cross-linguistic variation. Non-SOT languages only allow for the backward-shifted interpretation. This cross-linguistic variation has been analysed in two main ways in the literature: a structural approach, connecting the availability of the simultaneous reading in a language to a syntactic mechanism that allows the embedded past not to be interpreted; and an implicature approach, which links the absence of such a reading to the presence of a “cessation” implicature associated with past tense. We report a series of experiments on Polish, which is commonly classified as a non-SOT language. First, we investigate the interpretation of complement clauses embedded under past-marked attitude verbs in Polish and English. This investigation revealed a difference between these two languages in the availability of simultaneous interpretations for past-under-past complement clauses, albeit not as large as a binary distinction between SOT and non-SOT languages would lead us to expect. We then address the question of whether the lower acceptability we observe for simultaneous readings in Polish might be due to an embedded cessation implicature. On the way to address this question, we show that in simple matrix clauses, Polish gives rise to the same cessation inference as English. Then we investigate Polish past-under-past sentences in positive and negative contexts, comparing their potential cessation implicature to the exclusive implicature of disjunction. In our results, we found that the latter was endorsed more often in positive than in negative contexts, as expected, while the cessation implicature was endorsed overall very little, with no difference across contexts. The disanalogy between the disjunction and the temporal cases, and the insensitivity of the latter to monotonicity, are a challenge for the implicature approach, and cast doubts on associating SOT phenomena with implicatures

Temporal reference in a genuinely tenseless language: The case of Hausa

In this paper, we provide an analysis of temporality in Hausa (Chadic, Afro-Asiatic). By testing the hypothesis of covert tense (Matthewson 2006) against empirical data, we show that Hausa is genuinely tenseless in the sense that the grammar does not restrict the relation between reference time and utterance time. Rather, temporal reference is pragmatically inferred from aspectual and contextual information. We also argue that future time reference in Hausa is realized as a combination of a modal operator and a prospective aspect, thus involving the modal meaning components of intention and prediction as well as event time shifting

Equine Amplification and Virulence of Subtype IE Venezuelan Equine Encephalitis Viruses Isolated during the 1993 and 1996 Mexican Epizootics

To assess the role of horses as amplification hosts during the 1993 and 1996 Mexican Venezuelan equine encephalitis (VEE) epizootics, we subcutaneously infected 10 horses by using four different equine isolates. Most horses showed little or no disease and low or nonexistent viremia. Neurologic disease developed in only 1 horse, and brain histopathologic examination showed meningeal lymphocytic infiltration, perivascular cuffing, and focalencephalitis. Three animals showed mild meningoencephalitis without clinical disease. Viral RNA was detected in the brain of several animals 12-14 days after infection. These data suggest that the duration and scope of the recent Mexican epizootics were limited by lack of equine amplification characteristic of previous, more extensive VEE outbreaks. The Mexican epizootics may have resulted from the circulation of a more equine-neurotropic, subtype IE virus strain or from increased transmission to horses due to amplification by other vertebrate hosts or transmission by more competent mosquito vectors

Statements of Agreement From the Targeted Evaluation and Active Management (TEAM) Approaches to Treating Concussion Meeting Held in Pittsburgh, October 15-16, 2015

Conventional management for concussion involves prescribed rest and progressive return to activity. Recent evidence challenges this notion and suggests that active approaches may be effective for some patients. Previous concussion consensus statements provide limited guidance regarding active treatment

Geographic Differences in Genetic Susceptibility to IgA Nephropathy: GWAS Replication Study and Geospatial Risk Analysis

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