STRATEGI GERAKAN SLUTWALK MOVEMENT DALAM MEMPERLUAS JARINGAN TRANSNASIONAL UNTUK MEMBELA PEREMPUAN DARI TINDAKAN PELECEHAN

ABSTRAK Penelitian ini menelaah tentang aksi protes terhadap pelanggaran hak asasi perempuan yang awalnya terjadi di Kanada hingga kemudian meluas ke negara - negara lain bahkan hingga mencapai lintas benua. Aksi ini diberi nama Slutwalk Movement. Penelitian ini menggunakan konsep transnational social movement dan pendekatan mobilisasi sumberdaya. Konsep transnational social movement digunakan sebagai landasan konseptual untuk menjelaskan Slutwalk Movement sebagai bentuk aksi transnasional dan pendekatan mobilisasi sumberdaya sebagai strategi memperluas jaringan aksi Slutwalk Movement di berbagai negara. Penelitian ini menggunakan metodologi penelitian kualitatif dengan pendekatan deskriptif analisis dan menggunakan data sekunder. Temuan penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa Slutwalk Movement merupakan bentuk aksi transnasional dan strategi perluasan jaringan aksi Slutwalk Movement dapat dilihat melalui mobilisasi sumber daya yaitu mobilisasi moral resource, mobilisasi human resource dan mobilisasi material resource. Kata Kunci : Gerakan Sosial Transnasional , Slutwalk Movement, women right, dikriminasi, Mobilizations resource. ABSTRACT This research examines protests action for women rights which started in Canada and spread to other countries. This action is named Slutwalk Movement. This research used an transnational social movement concept and mobilizations resource. The transnational social movement concept and mobilizations resource utilized as the foundation to explain Slutwalk Movement strategy in reducing, violation against women rights. This research applied qualitative method with the analytic descriptive approach and use secondary data. The result of this research points out the can see on fact Slutwalk Movement as transnational Movement with mobilizations Resource Strategy : Moral Resource, Human Resource and Material Resource. Keywords :Transnational Social Movement, Slutwalk Movement, Women Right, Discrimination, Mobilizations Resource

GPS- GIS and Neural Networks for Monitoring Control, Cataloging the Prediction and Prevention in Tectonically Active Areas☆

Abstract Monitoring the system of active faults in Castrovillari, carried out in time by the Geomatics of the University Mediterranean of Reggio Calabria, through GPS measurement onsite on test networks, created a database of crustal movements, useful for different studies and analysis of tectonic and deformation type. With the help of the powerful spatial and temporal data processing tools offered by GIS, and integration with traditional artificial intelligence models of neural networks, we created a platform that can not only to handle the huge amount of data processing, analysis and visualization tools, but also can get the first results for predicting displacements/distortions also useful for civil protection

How does the alcohol industry attempt to influence marketing regulations? A systematic review

Aim: To systematically review, using a qualitative, narrative synthesis approach, papers examining alcohol industry efforts to influence alcohol marketing policy, and compare with those used by the tobacco industry. Methods: Literature searches were conducted between April and July 2011, and updated in March 2013. Papers were included if they: made reference to alcohol industry efforts to influence (a) policy debates concerning marketing regulations, (b) new specific marketing policies or (c) broad alcohol policy which included marketing regulations; were written in English; and concerned the period 1990-2013. Alcohol industry political activity was categorized into strategies/tactics and frames/arguments. Data extraction was undertaken by the lead author and 100% of the papers were fully second-reviewed. Seventeen papers met the review criteria. Results: Five main political strategies and five main frames were identified. The alcohol industry argues against marketing regulation by emphasizing industry responsibility and the effectiveness of self-regulation, questioning the effectiveness of statutory regulation and by focusing on individual responsibility. Arguments relating to industry responsibility are often reinforced through corporate social responsibility activities. The industry primarily conveys its arguments through manipulating the evidence base and by promoting ineffective voluntary codes and non-regulatory initiatives. Conclusions: The alcohol industry's political activity is more varied than existing models of corporate political activity suggest. The industry's opposition to marketing regulation centres on claims that the industry is responsible and that self regulation is effective. There are considerable commonalities between tobacco and alcohol industry political activity, with differences due potentially to differences in policy contexts and perceived industry legitimacy

Environmental Health Organisations against Tobacco

Implementing the World Health Organisation (WHO) Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (FCTC) relies heavily on enforcement. Little is known of the way different enforcement agencies operate, prioritise or network. A questionnaire was sent to representatives of the International Federation of Environmental Health (IFEH) in 36 countries. Tobacco control was given low priority. Almost two thirds did not have any tobacco control policy. A third reported their organisation had worked with other agencies on tobacco control. Obstacles to addressing tobacco control included a lack of resources (61%) and absence of a coherent strategy (39%)

Hérnia diafragmática congênita: Um relato de caso / Congenital diaphragmatic hernia: A case report

Objetivo: Esse trabalho tem como objetivo relatar o caso de uma paciente de 75 anos portadora de hérnia diafragmática congênita diagnosticada e tratada no serviço de Cirurgia Geral do Hospital e Maternidade São José e mostrar sua evolução até o momento. Relato de Caso: Paciente feminina, 75 anos, foi admitida em unidade hospitalar de Pronto-socorro na cidade de Colatina (ES), com queixa principal de dispneia importante e considerável esforço respiratório com progressão de sintomas há dois meses. Á anamnese, a mesma referia dor epigástrica após alimentação e vários episódios de vômitos com aspecto turvo. Nega cirurgias prévias, tabagismo e etilismo, mas relata história patológica de hipertensão arterial sistêmica. Ao exame físico, a paciente estava em regular estado geral, lúcida e orientada em tempo e espaço, acianótica, anictérica e hipocorada. Em ausculta pulmonar apresentava murmúrio vesicular diminuído, frequência respiratória de 26 irpm, taquipneica e saturando 88% em ar ambiente. Ausculta cardíaca sem alterações relevantes, frequência cardíaca de 110 bpm, PA de 150/90 mmHg. Abdome apresentava-se flácido, globoso, sem massas ou visceromegalias e doloroso a palpação profunda. A tomografia computadorizada evidenciou volumosa hérnia diafragmática esquerda com sinais de rotação gastroduodenal e deslocamento superior da câmara gástrica. Apresentando calcificações ateromatosas aorto ilíacas. Foi realizada endoscopia digestiva alta, que revelou esofagite de estase erosiva grau D de Los Angeles, com estômago e duodeno muito prejudicados devido a presença da estase gástrica. Assim, foi realizado procedimento corretivo tanto por via torácica quanto por via abdominal. A cirurgia foi feita com anestesia geral e incisão intercostal à esquerda e abertura até a cavidade torácica, seguida de abertura do saco herniário. A lesão em diafragma foi corrigida em suturas contínuas com polipropileno monofilamentar em chuleio simples, seguida de drenagem fechada de tórax à esquerda. Ao pós-operatório imediato em UTI, a paciente apresentou complicações como pneumonia broncoaspirativa e injúria renal aguda, em que ambos os quadros foram revertidos posteriormente, apresentando evolução satisfatória. Desde a cirurgia, a paciente mantém seguimento regular, sem queixas de dor no local da ferida operatória

Diseño de un plan de mejoramiento de la enseñanza aprendizaje de geometría y medición orientado a los alumnos de quinto año básico con respecto a la actualización de las bases curriculares chilenas del año 2013

Tesis (Magíster en Educación)Nuestra investigación consiste en encontrar aquellas causas que provocan irremediablemente un retroceso en el proceso de aprendizaje de los alumnos que hoy en día son afectados directamente por los cambios que han ocurrido en las bases curriculares propuestas en el 2012 por el Ministerio de Educación. Basándonos en resultados tan recientes como lo son los resultados SIMCE, quisimos partir desde un comienzo con el rendimiento que tienen los alumnos en aquellas pruebas estandarizadas; es por esto, que con una implernentación de un instrumento queremos demostrar que al ser tan reciente esta reforma. existen ciertas desventajas en los centros educacionales de Chile. Desde un punto de vista práctico nos enfocamos en entregar una metodología particularmente aterrizada para ser implementada en todas aquellas escuelas que requieran de una nivelación académica correspondientemente al eje de Geometría. Ello consiste en abarcar mediante ciertas planificaciones los objetivos más descendidos en las cuatro unidades de aprendizaje que hoy forman parte de nuestro proceso académico. Una vez implementado el instrumento se puede advertir que alumnos que estudian en quinto básico aún no cuentan con habilidades específicas de las matemáticas para resolver problemas que suelen surgir en la vida cotidiana o ejercicios que utilizamos a diario en nuestra vida. Es necesario aclarar que esta investigación solo arroja resultados además de una propuesta para lograr disminuir la brecha existente que impide el aprendizaje continuo y sin obstáculos. La idea fundamental es entregar un aporte a profesores y establecimientos que encuentren esta falencia en sus lugares de trabajo

Tobacco Industry Political Activity and Tobacco Control Policy Making in Pennsylvania: 1979-1996

The tobacco industry is a major political and legal force in Pennsylvania through campaign contributions, lobbying and litigation.The tobacco industry has become a major source of campaign contributions to legislative candidates, state constitutional office candidates, and political party committees. In the 1979-1980 election cycle, the tobacco industry contributed $3,600 to candidates and parties. In 1995-1996, the tobacco industry contributed$65,850 to candidates and parties.A majority of tobacco industry contributions to legislative candidates and political parties have shifted from the Democratic party to the Republican party. During the 1991-92 and 1993-1994 electoral cycles, the tobacco industry contributed 40% and 38%, respectively, of their legislative and political party contributions to the Republican party. During the 1995-1996 electoral cycle, the tobacco industry contributed 53% of their legislative and political party contributions to the Republican party.A relationship exists between tobacco industry campaign contributions and state legislative behavior. The more money a legislator receives, the less likely he or she is to support tobacco control efforts. The tobacco industry also tends to contribute more money to legislators that have supported the industry in the past. Legislative behavior significantly influenced the level of tobacco industry contributions in 1993-1994, but did not in 1995-1996.Several health related groups, such as Abington Memorial Hospital, Blue Cross-Blue Shield, Blue Cross of Northeastern Pennsylvania, Lehigh Valley Hospital and the Family Health Council are represented by lobbyists who also represent the tobacco industry. This pattern of representation raises the possibility of conflict of interests among lobbyists who represent the tobacco industry and health groups.Pennsylvania was one of the first states to pass statewide legislation (the 1988 Clean Indoor Air Act) that preempts localities from enacting stronger clean indoor air ordinances than that of statewide law.Lower Merion township was the first locality in Pennsylvania to ban all cigarette vending machines in 1991. However, an injunction sought by local cigarette vending machine companies prevented Lower Merion from enforcing its ordinance. Although the constitutional merits of the case were never decided, the failure of health organizations and public officials to defend the ordinance and the threat of lawsuits by cigarette vending machine companies stopped the spread of ordinances that completely ban cigarette vending machines.The creation of the Uptown Coalition represented a significant broadening of the tobacco control community to explicitly include the African-American community, and represented the first time a specific tobacco brand was derailed in 1990. The Uptown Coalition remains active in Philadelphia local tobacco control efforts.Pennsylvania tobacco control organizations have unsuccessfully attempted to pass statewide youth access legislation. The inclusion of preemption in statewide youth access legislation has divided the Pennsylvania tobacco control community

Tobacco Industry Political Activity and Tobacco Control Policy Making in Ohio: 1981-1998

The tobacco industry is a major political and legal force in Ohio through campaign contributions, lobbying and litigation.The tobacco industry has become a major source of campaign contributions to legislative candidates and political party committees. In the 1981-1982 election cycle, the tobacco industry contributed $3,970 to candidates and parties. In 1995-1996, the tobacco industry contributed$55,440 to candidates and parties.A majority of tobacco industry contributions to legislative candidates and political are contributed to the Republican party. During the 1991-92 and 1993-1994 electoral cycles, the tobacco industry contributed 54% and 53%, respectively, of their legislative and political party contributions to the Republican party. During the 1995-1996 electoral cycle, the tobacco industry contributed 77% of their legislative and political party contributions to the Republican party.In contrast to other states, there is not a statistically significant relationship between tobacco industry campaign contributions and legislative behavior in Ohio.Several health related groups, such as Anthem Blue Cross and Blue Shield, and United Health Care of Ohio, Association of Physician Assistants, the Ohio Health Information Management Association, and Ohio Dietetic Association are represented by lobbyists who also represent the tobacco industry. This pattern of representation raises the possibility of conflict of interests among lobbyists who represent the tobacco industry and health groups.Franklin County in 1994 and Knox County in 1995 had formulated regulations making almost all or all public places smokefree. These regulations were rejected in Ohio courts. Since these defeats, there has been no progress (except voluntarily) on smokefree public places.Tobacco control advocates and organizations have effectively organized in preventing preemptive youth access legislation from passing in the Ohio state legislature

Tobacco Industry Political Activity and Tobacco Control Policy Making in Washington: 1983-1996

The tobacco industry is a major political and legal force in the state of Washington through campaign contributions, lobbying, and filing lawsuits.The tobacco industry has become a major source of campaign contributions to legislative candidates. In the 1985-86 legislative session, the tobacco industry contributed $31,100 to legislative candidates. Contributions reached a peak during the 1989-90 legislative session when the tobacco industry contributed$119,059 to legislative candidates. During the current 1995-1996 election cycle, the tobacco industry has contributed $69,573 to legislative candidates between January 1, 1995 to September 30, 1996. Tobacco industry contributions to legislative candidates is expected to exceed the 1993-1994 amount of$70,524.During the 1993-1994 legislative session, the combined contributions of Philip Morris, RJ Reynolds, and the Tobacco Institute ranked eighth among top contributors to legislative campaigns in Washington.In the past few election cycles, there has been a significant shift in tobacco industry contributions away from the Democratic party and towards the Republican party in Washington. During the 1989-90 election cycle, 47 percent of tobacco industry contributions to legislators, legislative candidates, political parties and party controlled committees went to the Republican party. Contributions to Republicans increased to 60 percent in the 1991-1992 election cycle and 66 percent in the 1993-1994 election cycle. Between January 1, 1995 and September 30, 1996, the tobacco industry contributions to the Republican party has increased to 83 percent.The tobacco industry makes significant contributions to legislative leaders. House Speaker Clyde Ballard has received $11,880 in tobacco industry contributions since 1986, more than any other current legislator. All Republican House Leaders have received tobacco industry contributions and generally had more pro-tobacco industry policy scores. In the Senate, where the Democrats held a one vote majority during the 1995-1996 session, Majority Leader Sid Snyder received$3,600 from the tobacco industry throughout his career. Valoria Loveland, the Democratic Caucus Chair, received $1,600 in tobacco industry contributions during the 1995-1996 electoral cycle.In addition to providing campaign contributions, the tobacco industry is active in lobbying members of the legislature and the administration. In 1993 and 1994, the tobacco industry spent$643,188. The trend suggests that the tobacco industry will exceed that amount during the 1995-1996 session. In 1995, the tobacco industry spent $368,660 in lobbying expenditures, an increase in the rate of lobbying expenditures over the previous election cycle. The tobacco industry became an especially active lobby in 1991 and 1992, after a number of local smoke free and youth access ordinances were passed in Washington cities and counties.A statistical relationship exists between tobacco industry campaign contributions and state legislative behavior. The more money a legislator receives, the less likely he or she is to support tobacco control efforts. The tobacco industry also tends to contribute more money to legislators that have supported the industry in the past.Besides campaign contributions and lobbying, the tobacco industry has used legal tactics to slow down tobacco control activity in the state of Washington. Legal action by the tobacco industry has 1) lead the city of Puyallup to rescind a smoke-free restaurant ordinance, 2) forced the Department of Labor and Industries to defend their clean indoor air regulations in Superior court, and 3) has created an atmosphere of intimidation among organizations associated with Project ASSIST.Despite the highest tobacco tax in the nation, none of the money raised from tobacco taxes has been earmarked for tobacco prevention or cessation programs.The state of Washington is among 19 states and counties that is suing the tobacco industry in order to recover health and medical costs associated with tobacco related illnesses