“The liberation of LGBTQ+ will also liberate heterosexuals”: heterosexual feminist women's participation in solidarity-based collective action for LGBTQ+ rights

The current studies aim to examine the underlying predictors of heterosexual feminist women's willingness to participate in solidarity-based collective action for LGBTQ+ rights. We hypothesized that feminist identification, perceived discrimination against LGBTQ+, and strategic intra-minority alliance between feminists and LGBTQ+ would predict their willingness to participate in solidarity-based collective action. Study 1 (N = 141) showed that higher feminist identification and more endorsement of the strategic intra-minority alliance predicted more willingness to participate in solidarity-based collective action among heterosexual feminist women in Turkey. Study 2 (N = 644) replicated and extended the findings of Study 1 with a larger sample by showing that higher awareness of sexual orientation privilege predicts more willingness to participate in solidarity-based collective action. By following an intersectional and multi-identity approach in Study 3 (N = 280), we showed that higher feminist identification predicted more willingness to participate in solidarity-based collective action, whereas higher heterosexual identification predicted less willingness

Obstacles to birth surname retention upon marriage: how do hostile sexism and system justification predict support for marital surname change among women?

Despite the ongoing shift in societal norms and gender-discriminatory practices toward more equality, many heterosexual women worldwide, including in many Western societies, choose to replace their birth surname with the family name of their spouse upon marriage. Previous research has demonstrated that the adherence to sexist ideologies (i.e., a system of discriminatory gender-based beliefs) among women is associated with their greater endorsement of practices and policies that maintain gender inequality. By integrating the ideas from the system justification theory and the ambivalent sexism theory, we proposed that the more women adhere to hostile and benevolent sexist beliefs, the more likely they would be to justify existing gender relations in society, which in turn, would positively predict their support for traditional, husband-centered marital surname change. We further argued that hostile (as compared to benevolent) sexism could act as a particularly strong direct predictor of the support for marital surname change among women. We tested these possibilities across three cross-sectional studies conducted among women in Turkey (Study 1, N=118, self-identified feminist women; Study 2, N=131, female students) and the United States (Study 3, N=140, female students). Results of Studies 1 and 3 revealed that higher adherence to hostile (but not benevolent) sexism was associated with higher support for marital surname change indirectly through higher gender-based system justification. In Study 2, the hypothesized full mediation was not observed. Consistent with our predictions, in all three studies, hostile (but not benevolent) sexism was found to be a direct positive predictor of the support for marital surname change among women. We discuss the role of dominant ideologies surrounding marriage and inegalitarian naming conventions in different cultures as obstacles to women’s birth surname retention upon marriage

Adil Dünya İnancı ve Algılanan Kontrol Eksikliğinin Suriyeli Göçmenlere Yönelik Yardım Etme Davranışı Üzerindeki Etkisi

Since 2011, the ongoing Syrian refugee intensity has created a major change in Turkey. Although refugees are welcomed by some of the citizens, they are also exposed to prejudice and discrimination by others. Research has shown that underlying the negative attitudes and behaviors of citizens towards refugees are concerns that refugees will experience adaptation problems, disrupt their order, and use their resources. On the other hand, sociopolitical control, which expresses our perception of control over the events and situations happening around us, with the belief of a just world that expresses how fair the individuals perceive the events that happen to them or others, can be seen as reflections of the need for predictable and controlled world order. For this reason, it was thought that belief in a just world and perceived sociopolitical control would have an impact on individuals’ intention to help refugees. Accordingly, two experiments were conducted to examine the predictive effect of target group membership, belief in a just world, and perceived sociopolitical control on helping intention. Before the experiments, a preliminary study was carried out to select newspaper articles to be used for target group membership manipulation. Two additional preliminary studies were conducted to adapt to Sociopolitical Control Measurement to Turkish. In Experiment I, the general belief in a just world and perceived sociopolitical control of the participants between the ages of 18-25 were measured. Later, some of the participants read a newspaper article about the thief broke into the house of a Turkish family while others read a newspaper article about the thief broke into the house of a Syrian family. Then, the participants were told that an aid campaign was organized for the family in the newspaper and an aid form was given. In the form, the participants were asked whether they would like to help (yes/no) and information about the amount of help was received. Participants were divided into groups according to target group membership (Turkish family/Syrian family), and scores of the general belief in the just world (low/high) and sociopolitical control (low/high), and the predictions of these variables on aid intentions were analyzed using the Binary Logistic Regression Analysis. Results show that the participants in the Turkish family condition showed more intention to help than the participants in the Syrian family condition. Also, participants with high sociopolitical control displayed more helpful intentions than those with lower levels. On the other hand, the general just world beliefs did not have a significant effect on helping intention. In Experiment II, the same research pattern was repeated, however, instead of the general belief in a just world, personal belief in a just world was used. Participants here also showed more intention to help the Turkish family than the Syrian family. It was observed that participants with high personal just world beliefs showed more intention to help. Sociopolitical control did not have a significant effect on helping intention in Experiment II. The interaction effects of variables on the intention to help in both experiments are not significant.2011 yılından günümüze kadar olan dönemde dünyada geniş yankılar uyandıran Suriyeli mülteci yoğunluğu, sınırlarından içeri en fazla mülteci alan Türkiye’yi büyük oranda etkilemiştir. Mülteciler halkın bazı kesimleri tarafından yardımseverlikle karşılansalar da bazı kesimler tarafından önyargı ve ayrımcılığa maruz kalmaktadırlar. Araştırmalar yerel halkın mültecilere yönelik olumsuz tutum ve davranışlarının altında mültecilerin uyum sorunu yaşayacakları, kendi düzenlerini bozacağı ve halkın kaynaklarını kullanacağı gibi kaygıların yer aldığını göstermiştir. Öte yandan, bireylerin kendilerinin veya başkalarının başlarına gelen olayları ne kadar adil algıladığını ifade eden adil dünya inancı ile çevremizde meydana gelen olay ve durumlar üzerindeki kontrol algımızı ifade eden sosyopolitik kontrol, öngörülebilir ve kontrollü bir dünya düzeni ihtiyacının yansımaları olarak görülebilir. Bu sebeple adil dünya inancı ve algılanan sosyopolitik kontrolün bireylerin mültecilere yönelik yardım etme niyetleri üzerinde etkili olacağı düşünülmektedir. Buna uygun olarak hedef grup üyeliği, adil dünya inancı ve algılanan sosyopolitik kontrolün yardım etme niyeti üzerindeki yordayıcı etkisini inceleyebilmek amacıyla iki deney yürütülmüştür. Deneylerden önce hedef grup üyeliği değişimlemesi için kullanılacak olan gazete haberlerini seçmek amacıyla bir ön çalışma gerçekleştirilmiştir. Yine deneylerde kullanılacak olan Sosyopolitik Kontrol Ölçümü’nün Türkçeye uyarlanması için güvenirlik ve geçerlik analizlerini içeren iki ön çalışma daha yürütülmüştür. Deney I’de ilk olarak 18-25 yaş arasındaki katılımcıların genel adil dünya inançları ve algılanan sosyopolitik kontrolleri ölçülmüştür. Daha sonra katılımcıların bir kısmı Türk bir ailenin, bir kısmı da Suriyeli bir ailenin evinde gerçekleşen hırsızlık olayını anlatan bir gazete haberi okumuşlardır. Ardından katılımcılara haberde yer alan aileye yönelik bir yardım kampanyası düzenlendiği söylenmiş ve bir yardım niyeti formu sunulmuştur. Formda katılımcıların yardım etmek isteyip istemedikleri sorulmuş (evet/hayır) ve yardım miktarı bilgileri alınmıştır. Katılımcılar hedef grup üyeliği (Türk aile/Suriyeli aile), genel adil dünya inancı (düşük/yüksek) ve sosyopolitik kontrol (düşük/yüksek) puanlarına göre gruplara ayrılmış ve bu değişkenlerin yardım niyetleri üzerindeki yordayıcılığı İkili Lojistik Regresyon Analizi kullanılarak incelenmiştir. Bulgulara göre, Türk aile koşulundaki katılımcılar Suriyeli aile koşulundaki katılımcılara kıyasla daha çok yardım niyeti göstermişlerdir. Ayrıca yüksek sosyopolitik kontrole sahip katılımcılar düşük olanlara kıyasla daha çok yardım etme niyeti sergilemişlerdir. Genel adil dünya inancının ise yardım etme niyeti üzerinde anlamlı bir etkisi bulunamamıştır. Deney II’de ise aynı araştırma deseni tekrarlanmış ancak burada genel adil dünya inancı yerine kişisel adil dünya inancı kullanılmıştır. Katılımcılar burada da Türk aile için, Suriyeli aileye kıyasla daha çok yardım niyeti göstermişlerdir. Yüksek kişisel adil dünya inancına sahip katılımcıların da daha çok yardım niyeti sergilediği görülmüştür. Sosyopolitik kontrolün ise Deney II’de yardım niyeti üzerinde anlamlı bir etkisi bulunamamıştır. Her iki deneyde de değişkenlerin yardım etme niyeti üzerinde ortak etkileri anlamlı değildir

Reflecting on research: researcher identity in conflict studies from the perspectives of participants

While researchers have long discussed the impact that ingroup-outgroup identities may have on participant-researcher dynamics, no previous study that we know of has investigated how these identities impact participants’ decisions to participate in research in conflict contexts. In this study, we aimed to examine participants’ perspectives on their decisions to participate in research and how those decisions may be related to both their and the researchers’ identities as well as other important dynamics, such as political ideology. We used the Turkish-Kurdish conflict as a case and examined participants’ perspectives on Turkish researchers in this conflict context. More specifically, we investigated (1) opinions and feelings about Turkish researchers; (2) reasons for (not) participating in research by Turkish researchers; (3) the ways Turkish researchers affect participants’ decisions; and (4) attitudes toward Kurdish researchers. We used a survey with open-ended questions to explore participants’ perspectives and analyzed the data from 137 participants who identify as Kurdish using qualitative content analysis. Results highlighted the important opinions and feelings about Turkish researchers such as researchers’ ideological positions, objectivity, and sincerity, as well as how researchers’ other identities may affect participants’ evaluations of their research and how Kurdish researchers are perceived by Kurdish participants. We discuss the ingroup-outgroup dynamics together with other identities in relation to existing identity literature, as well as practical implications of our research for participant recruitment

Attitudes towards Afghan refugees and immigrants in Turkey: a Twitter analysis

Data generated by social media platforms such as Twitter provide a unique opportunity to examine large-scale public communication produced spontaneously and in real-time, and consequently, contribute to comprehensively understanding the complex set of attitudes towards refugees. The present study utilises a qualitative approach to explore host members’ attitudes towards refugees on social media during the global crisis. In particular, we examine perceptions of a broader population, Twitter users, and analyse public reactions towards Afghan refugees expressed within tweets during the pandemic in Turkey as a response to the 2021 Afghan refugee influx. We analysed and coded 2,686 tweets using qualitative content analysis based on four main categories: 1) Representations of Afghan refugees and immigrants, 2) main causes for rejecting them, 3) taking action against them and their supporters, and 4) positive attitudes towards them. Results highlighted the prevalence of negative perceptions about, dehumanisation of, and racism towards Afghan refugees in Turkey mainly due to perceived realistic, symbolic, demographic, security, moral, and health threats from them. However, the findings also showed there were positive, albeit very few, attitudes towards Afghan refugees in the form of solidarity, help and empathy. We discuss these findings in relation to the existing literature on host society members’ attitudes towards refugees and immigrants and why we need to qualitatively examine these attitudes on social media

Inborn errors of OAS–RNase L in SARS-CoV-2–related multisystem inflammatory syndrome in children

International audienceMultisystem inflammatory syndrome in children (MIS-C) is a rare and severe condition that follows benign COVID-19. We report autosomal recessive deficiencies of OAS1 , OAS2 , or RNASEL in five unrelated children with MIS-C. The cytosolic double-stranded RNA (dsRNA)–sensing OAS1 and OAS2 generate 2′-5′-linked oligoadenylates (2-5A) that activate the single-stranded RNA–degrading ribonuclease L (RNase L). Monocytic cell lines and primary myeloid cells with OAS1, OAS2, or RNase L deficiencies produce excessive amounts of inflammatory cytokines upon dsRNA or severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus 2 (SARS-CoV-2) stimulation. Exogenous 2-5A suppresses cytokine production in OAS1-deficient but not RNase L–deficient cells. Cytokine production in RNase L–deficient cells is impaired by MDA5 or RIG-I deficiency and abolished by mitochondrial antiviral-signaling protein (MAVS) deficiency. Recessive OAS–RNase L deficiencies in these patients unleash the production of SARS-CoV-2–triggered, MAVS-mediated inflammatory cytokines by mononuclear phagocytes, thereby underlying MIS-C