RADICAL CHANGE IN FACULTY AND STUDENT EVALUATION: A JUSTIFIABLE HERESY?

This article addresses the connection between two continuing trends in higher education: semester evaluation of faculty by students (SE’s) and grade inflation. The two phenomena are explored historically; then a two-part plan is proposed to enhance the evaluation of both students and faculty. This solution does not replace current evaluation practices; it merely adds information on each student’s relative performance. Although subject to criticism as radical reform, the plan is offered as a feasible check on grade inflation and diminished student responsibility—one that is consistent with long held higher education values, as well as recent calls for increased educational accountability. The author concludes that such efforts offer hope in reversing a set of disturbing trends in student achievement

Notch signaling expands a pre-malignant pool of T-cell acute lymphoblastic leukemia clones without affecting leukemia-propagating cell frequency

NOTCH1 pathway activation contributes to the pathogenesis of over 60% of T-cell acute lymphoblastic leukemia (T-ALL). While Notch is thought to exert the majority of its effects through transcriptional activation of Myc, it also likely has independent roles in T-ALL malignancy. Here, we utilized a zebrafish transgenic model of T-ALL, where Notch does not induce Myc transcription, to identify a novel Notch gene expression signature that is also found in human T-ALL and is regulated independently of Myc. Cross-species microarray comparisons between zebrafish and mammalian disease identified a common T-ALL gene signature, suggesting that conserved genetic pathways underlie T-ALL development. Functionally, Notch expression induced a significant expansion of pre-leukemic clones; however, a majority of these clones were not fully transformed and could not induce leukemia when transplanted into recipient animals. Limiting-dilution cell transplantation revealed that Notch signaling does not increase the overall frequency of leukemia-propagating cells (LPCs), either alone or in collaboration with Myc. Taken together, these data indicate that a primary role of Notch signaling in T-ALL is to expand a population of pre-malignant thymocytes, of which a subset acquire the necessary mutations to become fully transformed LPCs

Incentives for smoking cessation

Background Financial incentives, monetary or vouchers, are widely used in an attempt to precipitate, reinforce and sustain behaviour change, including smoking cessation. They have been used in workplaces, in clinics and hospitals, and within community programmes. Objectives To determine the long‐term effect of incentives and contingency management programmes for smoking cessation. Search methods For this update, we searched the Cochrane Tobacco Addiction Group Specialised Register, clinicaltrials.gov, and the International Clinical Trials Registry Platform (ICTRP). The most recent searches were conducted in July 2018. Selection criteria We considered only randomised controlled trials, allocating individuals, workplaces, groups within workplaces, or communities to smoking cessation incentive schemes or control conditions. We included studies in a mixed‐population setting (e.g. community, work‐, clinic‐ or institution‐based), and also studies in pregnant smokers. Data collection and analysis We used standard Cochrane methods. The primary outcome measure in the mixed‐population studies was abstinence from smoking at longest follow‐up (at least six months from the start of the intervention). In the trials of pregnant women we used abstinence measured at the longest follow‐up, and at least to the end of the pregnancy. Where available, we pooled outcome data using a Mantel‐Haenzel random‐effects model, with results reported as risk ratios (RRs) and 95% confidence intervals (CIs), using adjusted estimates for cluster‐randomised trials. We analysed studies carried out in mixed populations separately from those carried out in pregnant populations. Main results Thirty‐three mixed‐population studies met our inclusion criteria, covering more than 21,600 participants; 16 of these are new to this version of the review. Studies were set in varying locations, including community settings, clinics or health centres, workplaces, and outpatient drug clinics. We judged eight studies to be at low risk of bias, and 10 to be at high risk of bias, with the rest at unclear risk. Twenty‐four of the trials were run in the USA, two in Thailand and one in the Phillipines. The rest were European. Incentives offered included cash payments or vouchers for goods and groceries, offered directly or collected and redeemable online. The pooled RR for quitting with incentives at longest follow‐up (six months or more) compared with controls was 1.49 (95% CI 1.28 to 1.73; 31 RCTs, adjusted N = 20,097; I2 = 33%). Results were not sensitive to the exclusion of six studies where an incentive for cessation was offered at long‐term follow up (result excluding those studies: RR 1.40, 95% CI 1.16 to 1.69; 25 RCTs; adjusted N = 17,058; I2 = 36%), suggesting the impact of incentives continues for at least some time after incentives cease. Although not always clearly reported, the total financial amount of incentives varied considerably between trials, from zero (self‐deposits), to a range of between USD 45 and USD 1185. There was no clear direction of effect between trials offering low or high total value of incentives, nor those encouraging redeemable self‐deposits. We included 10 studies of 2571 pregnant women. We judged two studies to be at low risk of bias, one at high risk of bias, and seven at unclear risk. When pooled, the nine trials with usable data (eight conducted in the USA and one in the UK), delivered an RR at longest follow‐up (up to 24 weeks post‐partum) of 2.38 (95% CI 1.54 to 3.69; N = 2273; I2 = 41%), in favour of incentives. Authors' conclusions Overall there is high‐certainty evidence that incentives improve smoking cessation rates at long‐term follow‐up in mixed population studies. The effectiveness of incentives appears to be sustained even when the last follow‐up occurs after the withdrawal of incentives. There is also moderate‐certainty evidence, limited by some concerns about risks of bias, that incentive schemes conducted among pregnant smokers improve smoking cessation rates, both at the end of pregnancy and post‐partum. Current and future research might explore more precisely differences between trials offering low or high cash incentives and self‐incentives (deposits), within a variety of smoking populations

Questions to the First Minister of Scotland.

Political communication research traditionally has focussed on media coverage of politics. At the same time, a rhetorical perspective has informed most scholarship on the subject of direct politician discourse. The present study crosses the epistemological divide by applying quantitative content analysis to the subject of parliamentary discourse: specifically the Scottish Parliament's weekly forum known as First Minister's Questions. The present research is grounded in opposition theory and argumentation theory, resulting in 17 hypotheses concerning the communication of Parliament.Results suggest that despite the efforts of the Parliament's framers, communication by both the Coalition and Opposition may have reflected a resigned acceptance of the historically-limited role of the Opposition in debating the merits of future government policies. These patterns of communication infer an inadvertent arrogance by the Government and a lack of argument sophistication by the Opposition. The study concludes: (1) opposition theory should be expanded to account for factors of parliamentary communication that may reveal an opposition's functionality, (2) this study's system of coding parliamentary content provides an empirical method to test the communication implications of political theories, and (3) content analysis is a valuable tool in unlocking patterns of political discourse that would remain inaccessible via qualitative methods of research.Three independent coders applied a quantitative content analysis to the first 96 sessions of First Minister's Questions, from 1999 to 2002. Results suggested, among other inferences, that: (1) coalition membership explains more variation in communication content than does political party, (2) the Labour-Liberal Democratic coalition remained relatively cohesive, despite the ambivalent communication of regional-list members, (3) while argumentative, Opposition questions took few opportunities to advance its own policies, question the Scottish Executive's future proposals, or exploit differences between the coalition members, (4) First Ministers discussed the topic of independence more than the Scottish National Party, (5) negative communication was arbitrary rather than merely reciprocated, suggesting a vigorous but collegial argument environment, (6) First Ministers spent more time responding to Opposition constituency members than either party leaders or list members, and (7) the tone of communication became more amiable over the passage of time