59 research outputs found
ÂżOtro mundo es posible? Pistas falsas y sendas prometedoras
This essay offers a concise analysis of the calamities caused by neo–liberalism in the
last thirty years, the prevailing economic doctrine, currently taken as a true ideology –in the
sense of a theory that aims to cover all aspects of social reality–. The dogmas of neo–
liberalism are presented –for mere explanatory reasons– in ten points, which are widely
contradicted on the practical realm and by the disastrous consequences caused by their strict application by many Governments and international organizations: persistence of absolute poverty, increased inequality, environmental destruction, infantilization of citizens, etc. From a political point of view, the most perturbing consequence is that neo–liberalism has become a liquidator of the democracy constructed with so much effort in the West, despite all its flaws, in the second half of the 20th century. On this diagnosis, the essay suggests, for each of the ten points presented, we may indicate forms of cultural and political resistance, with the hope of recovering the path towards the realization of the age of rights, the main character – in Bobbio’s words – of the past century.Este ensayo contiene un breve análisis de los desastres que el neoliberalismo
imperante en la economĂa y convertido en autĂ©ntica ideologĂa –en el sentido de una teorĂa
que aspira a abarcar todos los aspectos de la realidad social– ha producido en los últimos
treinta años. El análisis está organizado –por meras razones expositivas– en diez puntos en los que se presentan los dogmas del neoliberalismo, ampliamente desmentidos por su
reflejo en la realidad, y las desastrosas consecuencias que su aplicaciĂłn estricta por parte de muchos gobiernos y organizaciones internacionales ha provocado: persistencia de la pobreza absoluta, aumento de la desigualdad, destrucciĂłn del medio ambiente,
infantilizaciĂłn del ciudadano, etc. Desde el punto de vista polĂtico, la consecuencia más
grave es que el neoliberalismo se ha convertido en liquidador de una democracia construida con gran esfuerzo en occidente, con todos sus defectos, a lo largo de la segunda mitad del siglo XX. Ante este diagnĂłstico, el ensayo intenta sugerir, para cada uno de los diez puntos, formas de resistencia cultural y polĂtica, augurando la recuperaciĂłn del camino hacia la realizaciĂłn de ese tiempo de los derechos que, en opiniĂłn de Bobbio, habrĂa caracterizado la historia del Ăşltimo siglo
Contractualismo y derechos fundamentales
La mayoria de los autores que se han ocupado de derechos humanos o
fundamentales rimontano, alla ricerca dei fondamenti storici e teorici di tali
diritti, al jusnaturalismo y contractualismo modernos. Por ejemplo, escribe
Michel Troper, en un ensayo que pretende ser una introducción sintética al
tema..
Modelos normativos de sociedad y migraciones
The aim of the essay is to outline the possible relations between, on one hand, the main normative models of society in Western political thought and on the other hand the ways migration has been addressed in theoretical terms. First, we look at the complex and contradictory connections between migration and models of society in Plato and Aristotle. Secondly, we examine how the relationship between citizenship and migration has been understood within the framework of individualism and contract theory (foremost in Hobbes, Locke and Kant). In section three, the theme is illustrated from the perspective of some of today’s normative political theories (neo-utilitarism, communitarism, neo-republicanism, constitutionalism centred on fundamental rights). Here some critical arguments in favour of residence-based citizenship entitlement and the right to migrate are discussed.Este ensayo se propone delinear las relaciones que pueden darse entre algunos de los principales modelos normativos de sociedad que es posible encontrar en el pensamiento polĂtico occidental y las distintas maneras en que son afrontados, en perspectiva teĂłrica, los fenĂłmenos migratorios. En la primera parte, el ensayo se detiene sobre las complejas y contradictorias relaciones que existen entre modelos de sociedad y migraciones en PlatĂłn y AristĂłteles, mientras que en la parte central, la atenciĂłn se centra en el planteamiento individualista y contractualista de la relaciĂłn entre ciudadanĂa y migraciones (Hobbes, Locke y Kant, en par ticular). Finalmente, se toma en consideraciĂłn la perspectiva que aportan algunas teorĂas normativas contemporáneas (neo-utilitarismo, comunitarismo, neo-republicanismo y constitucionalismo de los derechos fundamentales) y se presentan, de forma crĂtica, algunos argumentos a favor de la ciudadanĂa por residencia y del derecho a migrar
Politiche migratorie, tra distruzione e eclissi della ragione
The essay reconstructs for essential ways origins and grounds of the right to migrate, analyzing above all Francisco de Vitoria’s reflexions on Spanish american colonization. This analysis underlines the right to migrate is not only an ancient right but also a right conceived and claimed in European and overall Western tradition, either by religious thought or by secular one (e.g., Kant). Today, as Ferrajoli observes, one of the target of migration flows is our societies of affluence. By consequence, these societies disawow the right to migrate and the mainstream public discourse rediscovers boundaries and supports many other forms of cultural, economical and legal barriers against the so called «invasion». The inhospitality goes as far to sign international conventions to put these barriers out of European Union: in this way it’s posible to attribute hipocritically to these no european countries the moral and political responsibility of the human rights massive violations to the detriment of migrants. These migration policies are nevertheless blind, othe than inhuman, becouse they don’t face the deep reasons of migration, in this historical moment as well as in the future. They are short range policies, as F. Pallante points out, not only far from a cooperative and solidary vision of global relations, but also inadequate to realize efficacious migration flows programmes inspired by a precautionary principle targeting to the medium-long term. In other words, making migration policies really useful to protect the «natives» by the «invasion risk». Similar irrational instincts, as Lukács and Horkheimer pointed out, lead to twentieth century totalitarianisms. Starting from these considerations, in the last paragraph the author makes some remarks about unmasking effects produced by the Covid-19 pandemic. First of all, the pandemic that hardly stroke our affluent societies unmasks the deep irrationality of neoliberal globalization
ÂżOtro mundo es posible? Pistas falsas y sendas prometedoras
Este ensayo contiene un breve análisis de los desastres que el neoliberalismo imperante en la economĂa y convertido en autĂ©ntica ideologĂa –en el sentido de una teorĂa que aspira a abarcar todos los aspectos de la realidad social– ha producido en los Ăşltimos treinta años. El análisis está organizado –por meras razones expositivas– en diez puntos en los que se presentan los dogmas del neoliberalismo, ampliamente desmentidos por su reflejo en la realidad, y las desastrosas consecuencias que su aplicaciĂłn estricta por parte de muchos gobiernos y organizaciones internacionales ha provocado: persistencia de la pobreza absoluta, aumento de la desigualdad, destrucciĂłn del medio ambiente, infantilizaciĂłn del ciudadano, etc. Desde el punto de vista polĂtico, la consecuencia más grave es que el neoliberalismo se ha convertido en liquidador de una democracia construida con gran esfuerzo en occidente, con todos sus defectos, a lo largo de la segunda mitad del siglo XX. Ante este diagnĂłstico, el ensayo intenta sugerir, para cada uno de los diez puntos, formas de resistencia cultural y polĂtica, augurando la recuperaciĂłn del camino hacia la realizaciĂłn de ese tiempo de los derechos que, en opiniĂłn de Bobbio, habrĂa caracterizado la historia del Ăşltimo siglo.Palabras Clave: Neoliberalismo, democracia, resistencia, pobreza, desigualdad, huella ecolĂłgica Abstract:This essay offers a concise analysis of the calamities caused by neo–liberalism in the last thirty years, the prevailing economic doctrine, currently taken as a true ideology –in the sense of a theory that aims to cover all aspects of social reality–. The dogmas of neo–liberalism are presented –for mere explanatory reasons– in ten points, which are widely contradicted on the practical realm and by the disastrous consequences caused by their strict application by many Governments and international organizations: persistence of absolute poverty, increased inequality, environmental destruction, infantilization of citizens, etc. From a political point of view, the most perturbing consequence is that neo–liberalism has become a liquidator of the democracy constructed with so much effort in the West, despite all its flaws, in the second half of the 20th century. On this diagnosis, the essay suggests, for each of the ten points presented, we may indicate forms of cultural and political resistance, with the hope of recovering the path towards the realization of the age of rights, the main character – in Bobbio’s words – of the past century.Keywords: Neo–liberalism, democracy, resistance, poverty, inequality, ecological footprint</p
Eguaglianza e egualitarismo, oggi. Da Bobbio a Babeuf e ritorno
In 1976 Norberto Bobbio wrote an essay called Equality and Egalitarianism that aimed at a better distinction between ideas often used as perfect synonymous. Taking Bobbio’s distinction as a starting point, Vitale faces the very different ideas of equality and inequality, focusing mainly on the egalitarian thought of Gracchus Babeuf and his disciple Filippo Buonarroti. The first period of Babeuf’s thought, before French Revolution, is based on a reformist perspective: the challenge is not to eliminate inequality but to reduce it so as to allow a form of moderate affluence for all. Observing the events of the Revolution, Babeuf gradually changed his mind. If a structural inequality, even if limited, remains, the whole problem will quickly come back as strong as prior to the reform. Thus, if we really desire equality, we have to seek perfect equality, that is to say: Egalitarianism. Buonarroti, in 1828, will detail the social and political institutions of such egalitarian republic. Now the question is: what about liberty? Is it possible to conciliate the new society of total equality with freedom rights and genuine political participation? The answer of History has always been negative. From Mill to Bobbio, the claim for equality takes a more temperate form of liberal socialism. Babeuf was right, however, to foresee that the liberal dimension involves the return to a market society, which is inegalitarian. The entire history of human societies seems to be an unavoidable (asymmetric) pendulum between the efforts to reach equality and the opposing and more successful ones to achieve forms of privilege
Más allá de la retórica. ¿Qué queda en pie del bonum commune?
En el artĂculo se propone un recorrido a travĂ©s de algunos clásicos de la filosofĂa polĂtica que dedicaron una especial atenciĂłn al tema tradicional del bonum commune –desde los clásicos griegos hasta Schumpeter–, con el fin de dilucidar quĂ© sentido podrĂa tener hoy el «bien comĂşn» (en singular). Antes de ello, a la vista del debate sobre el tema relativamente reciente de los «bienes comunes» (en plural), el artĂculo propone distinguir, e intenta buscar terrenos de compatibilidad posible, entre bien comĂşn y bienes comunes, no sin antes hacer alguna observaciĂłn crĂtica sobre estos Ăşltimos. En conclusiĂłn, es necesario admitir que la destrucciĂłn schumpeteriana de la misma idea de bien comĂşn resulta todavĂa hoy desafiante. Sin embargo, se sostendrá que la reivindicaciĂłn del bien comĂşn como horizonte de la polĂtica y, al mismo tiempo, como terreno de confrontaciĂłn y compatibilidad con las formas actuales de «benecomunismo», se puede entrever adecuadamente en los desarrollos más recientes del pensamiento de Luigi Ferrajoli.The article proposes an outlook over some classics of political philosophy, which payed a special attention to the traditional topic of bonum commune, from the Greeks to Schumpeter. The aim is to elucidate the sense that the concept of «common good» (in singular) might still have for us. Before that, in sight of the recent debate about «common goods» (in plural), the article proposes to distinguish –and tries to seek for possible compatibilities– between common good and common goods, and draws a critical view of the latter. In conclusion, the article states that Schumpeter's destruction of the very idea of common good remains a challenge for today's politics. Nonetheless, it will be argued that the claim for common good as an horizon for politics, as well as a field of confrontation and compatibility with the various contemporary trends of «benecomunismo», might be adequately framed within the recent theoretical contributions of Luigi Ferrajoli
¿Qué democracia en red?
La primera parte de este paper es la introducciĂłn a un seminario internacional que tuvo lugar en Aosta (Italia) en junio de 2012, titulado "Democracy in the net or on the Net". SegĂşn Vitale, es ineludible plantearse si, al menos parcialmente, las ICT pueden ayudar a mejorar la calidad de nuestras democracias. Propone, por tanto, siguiendo la reflexiĂłn de Bobbio sobre las reglas del mĂ©todo democrático, someter la llamada “democracia electrĂłnica”, o democracia a travĂ©s de la red, a un doble test. El primero consiste en comprobar si ella contribuye a reducir, o no, la distancia entre el ideal y la realidad de las democracias; el segundo consiste en valorar si en ella se cumplen los parámetros esenciales que permiten calificar un rĂ©gimen polĂtico como democrático. La segunda parte del paper toma en consideraciĂłn algunas de las ponencias de ese mismo congreso, publicadas más tarde en el nĂşmero III de “Teoria politica”. El resultado que se desprende de su análisis parece indicar que, con respecto a la satisfacciĂłn de los requisitos mĂnimos exigidos por Bobbio, las ICT no ofrecen, por el momento, resultados particularmente significativos.Palabras clave: Democracia (representativa y participativa), TecnologĂas de la informaciĂłn y la comunicaciĂłn, movimientos de protesta.Abstract: The first part of this paper is the introduction to an international seminar held at Aosta (Italy) on June 2012 under the title of Democracy in the Net or on the Net. According to the author, it is unavoidable to set out, at least partially, if ICTs can help to improve the quality of our democracies. So, following the reflections of Bobbio about democratic method`s rules, he suggests to submit the so called “electronic democracy” or democracy through the Net to a double test. The first one consists on testing if e-democracy helps to reduce the gap between the ideal and the reality of democracies. The second one consists on evaluating if e-democracy fulfills the essential parameters that allow describing itself as a democratic regime. The second part of the paper analyses some works presented at the seminar and published at the third issue of Teoria politica. According to Bobbio’s minimum requirements for democracy, the result seems to indicate that ICTs do not offer interesting results.Keywords: Democracy (representative and participative, Information and Communication Technologies (ICT), Protest Movement
Hobbes y la teorĂa del Estado moderno. La lectura de Bobbio
This article gives an account of Thomas Hobbes's two main legacies to the modern political thought, in the reading that Noberto Bobbio has given in many of his works. The first one is a methodological legacy, which consists in the priority of the demonstratio over any kind of interpretatio. The second is individualism, whose different dimensions are decisive to justify, to compare, and to judge the wide range of political formulae that the Leviathan, as nature of the modern State, can hold. The article ends with a third level of comparison of the opposite fortune of Hobbes's and Bobbio's works in their times and ours.Este trabajo está dedicado al análisis de dos legados fundamentales de Thomas Hobbes al pensamiento polĂtico moderno, en la lectura que de ello ha ofrecido Norberto Bobbio. El primero es un legado de carácter metodolĂłgico, que consiste en dar prioridad a la demostratio por encima de cualquier forma de interpretatio. El segundo es el individualismo, cuyas diferentes declinaciones son decisivas para fundar, medir y valorar las diversas fĂłrmulas polĂticas que el Leviatán, en cuanto esencia del Estado moderno, puede albergar. El trabajo se cierra con un tercer nivel de comparaciĂłn sobre la fortuna de Hobbes y de Bobbio entre sus contemporáneos y en nuestros dĂas
Paz y guerra en el pensamiento de Alfonso Ruiz Miguel. Con una apostilla sobre Cataluña. Comentario a Alfonso Ruiz Miguel, Cuestiones de principios: entre polĂtica y Derecho
Este artĂculo reseña: Alfonso Ruiz Miguel, Cuestiones de principios: entre polĂtica y Derecho, Madrid, 2020, Centro de Estudios PolĂticos y Constitucionales, 615 pp
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