Saint-Martin-des-Combes – Cassenade

Lien Atlas (MCC) :http://atlas.patrimoines.culture.fr/atlas/trunk/index.php?ap_theme=DOM_2.01.02&ap_bbox=-0.587;44.943;0.657;44.981 Pour la fin du Paléolithique moyen et le début du Paléolithique supérieur (60 - 35 ka cal. BP), une partie des recherches actuelles vise à mieux comprendre les interactions qui ont pu exister entre changements environnementaux, innovations culturelles et histoire du peuplement. Ces recherches sont néanmoins freinées par le manque de données sur l’environnement an..

A long-term perspective on Neanderthal environment and subsistence: insights from the dental microwear texture analysis of hunted ungulates at Combe-Grenal (Dordogne, France)

Large bovids and cervids constituted major components of the European Middle Palaeolithic faunas and hence a key resource for Neanderthal populations. In paleoenvironmental reconstructions, red deer (Cervus elaphus) occurrence is classically considered as a treecover indicator while Bovinae (Bison priscus and Bos primigenius) and reindeer (Rangifer tarandus) occurrences are typically associated with open landscapes. However, insights into the ecology of extant ungulate populations show a more complex reality. Exploring the diet of past ungulates allows to better comprehend the hunting strategies of Palaeolithic populations and to reconstruct the modifications through time of past landscapes. By reflecting what animals have eaten during the last days or weeks of their life, dental microwear textures of herbivores link a population and its environment. Here we analyzed, via Dental Microwear Texture Analysis (DMTA), the diet of 50 Bos/Bison, 202 R. tarandus and 116 C. elaphus preyed upon by the Neanderthals that occupied Combe-Grenal rock-shelter, one of the most important Mousterian archaeo-sequences in southwestern France considering its long stratigraphy, abundance of faunal remains and the variations perceptible in Palaeolithic material culture. Grazers and mixed-feeders are the most represented dietary categories among Combe-Grenal?s guild of herbivores, highlighting the availability, along the sequence, of open landscapes. The absence of clear changes in the use of plant resources by hunted ungulates through time, even though palaeoenvironmental changes were welldocumented by previous studies along the sequence, is interpreted as resulting from the hunting of non-randomly selected prey by Neanderthals, preferentially in open environments. Thus, these results provide further insight into the hunting strategies of Neanderthals and modify our perception of potential links between subsistence and material culture. Combe-Grenal hunters ?stayed in the open? through millennia, and were not forced to switch to hunting tactics and material technology adapted to close encounters in forested environments.ED: ANR-18-CE03-0007 (funder: Agence Nationale de la Recherche) https://anr.fr/Project- ANR-18-CE03-0007 NO, The funders had no role in study design, data collection and analysis, decisión to publish, or preparation of the manuscript. EB: L’Ore´al-UNESCO FWIS Award 2019 (no grant number) (funder: L’Ore´al-UNESCO) https://www. forwomeninscience.com/ NO, The funders had no role in study design, data collection and analysis, decision to publish, or preparation of the manuscript

Saint-Léon-sur-Vézère – Le Moustier (abri inférieur)

La station éponyme du Moustier a joué un rôle important dans la définition et la caractérisation du Moustérien à la fois dans le sud-ouest de la France et dans le monde entier. Composé de trois habitats superposés (Le Trou du Brechou, l’abri supérieur et l’abri inférieur), le gisement est situé à la confluence de la Vézère et du Vimont. Sans nul doute, notre connaissance de l’abri inférieur et de sa stratigraphie est pour l’essentiel due au travail réalisé par D. Peyrony au début du xxe s. La..

Provenance, modification and use of manganese-rich rocks at Le Moustier (Dordogne, France)

The use of colouring materials by Neanderthals has attracted a great deal of attention in recent years. Here we present a taphonomic, technological, chemical-mineralogical and functional analysis of fifty-four manganese rich lumps recovered during past and on-going excavations at the lower rockshelter of Le Moustier (Dordogne, France). We compare compositional data for archaeological specimens with the same information for twelve potential geological sources. Morphometric analysis shows that material from Peyrony’s excavations before the First World War provides a highly biased picture of the importance of these materials for Mousterian groups. These early excavations almost exclusively recovered large modified pieces, while Mn-rich lumps from the on-going excavations predominantly consist of small pieces, only half of which bear traces of modification. We estimate that at least 168 pieces were not recovered during early work at the site. Neanderthals developed a dedicated technology for processing Mn-rich fragments, which involved a variety of tools and motions. Processing techniques were adapted to the size and density of the raw material, and evidence exists for the successive or alternating use of different techniques. Morphological, textural and chemical differences between geological and archaeological samples suggest that Neanderthals did not collect Mn-rich lumps at the outcrops we sampled. The association and variability in Mn, Ni, As, Ba content, compared to that observed at the sampled outcrops, suggests that either the Le Moustier lumps come from a unique source with a broad variation in composition, associating Mn, Ni, As, Ba, or that they were collected at different sources, characterized either by Mn-Ni-As or Mn-Ba. In the latter case, changes in raw material composition across the stratigraphy support the idea that Neanderthal populations bearing different stone tool technologies collected Mn fragments from different outcrops. Our results favour a use of these materials for multiple utilitarian and symbolic purposes.publishedVersio

Ours, hommes, hyènes : qui a occupé la grotte de Bourdette (Sainte-Colombe-en-Bruilhois, Lot-et-Garonne, France) ?

À côté d’abondants indices d’occupation par l’Ours des cavernes (ossements, griffades, bauges), la grotte de Bourdette a livré les restes d’une vingtaine d’autres espèces ainsi que quelques vestiges lithiques. Une telle association de vestiges est a priori incompatible avec un fonctionnement seul de la grotte comme tanière d’Ours. Pour parvenir à distinguer les différentes occupations de Bourdette, et pour en établir la chronologie, une approche interdisciplinaire est ici développée en incluant l’étude taphonomique des restes osseux, l’analyse typotechnologique des pièces lithiques et la confrontation des différents éléments de chronologie disponibles (biochronologie, datations radiocarbone, attribution chronoculturelle des industries lithiques). À Bourdette se sont succédé ours et hyènes qui ont utilisé la grotte comme tanière et repaire, les dernières y ayant ramené les ossements de leurs proies (essentiellement bovinés et chevaux). Les vestiges lithiques semblent eux provenir de remaniements depuis le plateau, sans qu’aucune réelle occupation humaine du site ne puisse être démontrée. Les éléments de biochronologie et les datations radiocarbone disponibles s’accordent pour placer les occupations du site aux alentours de 40 ka cal. BP. La présence d’ossements d’Ours rongés par les hyènes permet d’affirmer qu’au moins une partie des occupations de la grotte par les ours et les hyènes a été pseudo-contemporaine. À Bourdette, les os sont particulièrement émoussés, possiblement à la suite des circulations ursines (« charriage à sec ») : cette atteinte est si omniprésente qu’elle a considérablement restreint l’étude taphonomique, obligeant à reconsidérer les critères classiquement utilisés en taphonomie osseuse.In Bourdette, if evidences of cave bear occupation are omnipresent (in the form of bones, claw marks and beds), the cave also delivered remains of more than a dozen other species as well as some lithic artifacts. Such a combination of different materials cannot be fully explained by the sole function of the cave as a bear den. In order to distinguish the different types of occupations in Bourdette and to establish their chronology, this paper proposes an interdisciplinary study that brings together data from faunal taphonomy, lithic typotechnology, biochronology and radiocarbon dating. Both Cave bear and Hyena used Bourdette as a den, the latter bringing remains of its preys in the cave (mostly Bovines and Horse). The presence of lithic artifacts in Bourdette seems only to be the result of post-depositional transport, so that men probably never occupied the cave themselves. Biochronological data and radiocarbon dates both date the deposits around 40 ka cal. BP. Some bear bones were gnawed by hyenas, thus indicating that occupations of the cave by the two carnivores were, at least in part, broadly contemporaneous. The intensity of polishing is particularly intense on Bourdette bones, probably due to bear circulations in the cave (“charriage à sec”), to the point that procedures used commonly in bone taphonomy were severely undermined

Importance of field data for understanding a potential Mousterian funerary deposit : the case of the Regourdou 1 skeleton (Montignac-sur-Vézère, Dordogne, France)

Aside from the work of Bonifay (see Bonifay et al. 2007 for one of the more recent papers) and various articles following these earlier works (e.g., Binant 1991, Defleur 1993, Maureille et Vandermeersch 2007, Pettitt 2011, see also May 1986 for a more critical analysis), the in situ position of the remains of Regourdou 1 from layer 4 has never actually been discussed on the basis of available data from the salvage operation carried out in October 1957 by E. Bonifay and G. Laplace-Jauretche, under the administrative authority of François Bordes, or from the subsequent, more systematic, excavations directed by E. Bonifay between 1961 and 1964. Via the compilation of available information from a number of unpublished documents (François Bordes’ field notes, drawings made during the salvage operation, photographs taken in 1957, 1961 and 1962, as well as databases from the 1961 to 1964 excavations), and also a new inventory of human remains (both previously known and recently discovered), it is now possible to more accurately reconstruct the position of the human remains in a Cartesian system. In this, we assume that the concentration of remains uncovered during the salvage operation was in square G2, according to the preliminary systematic excavations carried out in 1961. They also bring to light that while practically no anatomical connections can be demonstrated with any certainty – and despite significant disruptions (all of the hominin remains are spread over 9 squares : G1 to G3, F1 to F3, E1 and E2, D2) – they are mainly positioned in squares G2 and G3 to some degree with respect to the anatomical logic of the human body. We therefore assume that Regourdou 1 was lying flat, with its head to the west – perhaps upon its trunk – close to the wall of the cavity. This result is different from the fetal position hypothesis proposed in Bonifay et al. (2007). Moreover many post-depositional (albeit Pleistocene) disturbances are also evident. We believe that they were likely the result of the utilization and modification of the cavity by brown bears and lagomorphs.Only new excavations at the site, and a better taphonomic understanding of Bonifay’s (1964) layer 4 (in which Regourdou 1 was found), and the exact role of humans in its formation, i.e., their anthropic impact on the layer, will allow us to discuss in more detail the nature of the deposition of the body, and, hopefully, the absence of the skull

Neanderthal subsistence at Chez-Pinaud Jonzac (Charente-Maritime, France): A kill site dominated by reindeer remains, but with a horse-laden diet?

During the MIS 4 in Southwestern France, Quina Neanderthal from the north of the Aquitaine was characterized by a hunting specialization on the reindeer and the lack of diversity in their diet. They developed task-specific locations dedicated to the capture, the butchery, and the consumption of reindeer, and the whole society seems, in this region, to be dependent on this food resource. In this context, the site of Chez-Pinaud at Jonzac (France) occupies a specific place. First, interpreted as a reindeer kill and butchery site, the recent recovery of the site underlines the importance of the large ungulate (horse and bison) to the faunal spectrum (30% of the NISP). Considering the quantity of meat and grease that these species can provide to hunters, the new zooarchaeological analyses suggest that at least the horse may have played a major role in the diet of the Neanderthal population. Since Jonzac is one of the largest sites for this period, these results relativize the importance of reindeer specialization of the Quina population and the lack of diversityl in their diet

Improving mortality profile analysis in zooarchaeology: a revised zoning for ternary diagrams

Mortality profiles have figured prominently among tools used by zooarchaeologists to investigate relationships between hominids and prey species. Their analysis and interpretation have been considerably influenced by M.C. Stiner's approach based on ternary diagrams. Part of this method included the demarcation of “zones” in ternary diagrams identifying specific mortality patterns (e.g. attritional, catastrophic, prime-dominated, etc.). Since its introduction some twenty-five years ago, this zoning has, however, received little critical attention. Mathematical modelling as well as a reassessment of the ecological data used to define these zones reveal several problems that may bias interpretations of mortality profiles on ternary diagrams. Here we propose new, mathematically supported definitions for the zoning of ternary diagrams combined with species-specific age class boundaries based on ethological and ontological data for seven of the most common hominid prey (bison, red deer, reindeer, horse, zebras, African buffalo and common eland). We advocate for the use of new areas (JPO, JOP, O and P zones) that produce more valid interpretations of the relative abundance of juveniles, prime and old adults in an assemblage. These results contribute to the improvement of the commonly used method of mortality profile analysis first advanced by M.C. Stiner

Impact of changes in ungulate communities on the interactions between human groups and hyenas from MIS 5 to MIS 3

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