356 research outputs found

    City of Bangor Factual Data: 1960

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    Dear Mr. Businessman and Mr. Industrialist: We welcome your request for information on Bangor\u27s facilities and services. In Bangor you will find space for growth and a willingness to assist new, as well as existing, industry. Many out-of-staters have found our City a good place in which to work and live the year around. The outdoor activities provided by the area\u27s woods, mountains, lakes, streams, and coastaI waters is well known. People from other sections of the country have the erroneous idea that Maine is snow bound in winter. There was some truth to this beIief 50 years ago, but no more. Thanks to power ploughs and other modern snow removal equipment, we take winter in stride. A snow storm that would cripple a larger metropolitan area slows activities in Maine very little. The state\u27s industrial climate is also good. The tax situation compares favorably with other states of northeastern United States. Also, this is true of labor management relatlonshlps. If you are associated with an industry that has plans to relocate, you might consider the Bangor area as a plant site. We welcome further inquiry and would be happy to provlde more specific details keyed to your needs.https://digicom.bpl.lib.me.us/city_bur_book/1009/thumbnail.jp

    Bangor\u27s Industrial Parks: City of Bangor, Maine, Planning Board and Industrial Development Department, 1956

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    When the war ended in 1945, a wholesale grocer and a hardware jobber who were located In the downtown congested area of Bangor began looking for new sites for their warehouses. After surveying the entire area, they decided that the most desirable location was a tract of land about 2.5 miles from downtown Bangor, located on the main line of the railroad and on U.S. Route 2. The area consisted of a 260 acre farm. Since the interests of the two wholesalers coincided, they formed the Bangor Real Estate Development Company to purchase and develop the land. After the land was purchased, the real estate company, with the help of engineers and architects, laid out parcels of land in the part of the district that it would first develop. It drained part of the area, graded it, and lnstalled roads, sewers, electrlclty, drainage facilities, and water. These Improvements were financed partially by the development company and partially by the city, under arrangements the city offers to anyone. The real estate company also had test borings made throughout the area to provide data on the type of Iand and the Ioads it will bear. The Maine Central Railroad built a lead track to the edge of the district and the real estate company financed over a mile of spur tracks to the rear of sites to prevent interference with street traffic, truck loading docks, and parking areas. Includes several maps and photographs.https://digicom.bpl.lib.me.us/city_bur_book/1006/thumbnail.jp

    Bangor\u27s Industrial Parks: City of Bangor, Maine, Planning Board and Industrial Development Department, 1958

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    Modern industrlal management wants to avoid the inherent dlfflcultles of city locations, parking, crowding and lack of growth space, and stilI maintain the advantages of a ready labor market and of transportation that the city provides. Space for one story plants, off street parking and loading, and future expansion are relatively impossible to find in any decent sized city. The large city is by its very nature a crowded, densely populated area. Only a planned industrial park site can offer management what it wants. When he chooses to move into an industrial park an industrial manager can be assured that he has the needed facilities and the needed zoning protection to operate efficiently. Most important of all the industrial park offers the industrialist elbow room and freedom of expansion within a planned industrial community. The advantages are not aiI on the side of the industrialist. By developing a large piece of land, Bangor can segregate industrial activity into one location which can be better control led and serviced. By controlllng the area through zoning and restrictive covenants better and more stable firms can be attracted to the area with a beneficial result on the economic base of the community. Control of architectural and structural design can result in an aesthetlcally pleasing industrial park which would be an asset to the City of Bangor. Includes several maps and photographs.https://digicom.bpl.lib.me.us/city_bur_book/1007/thumbnail.jp

    Prioritizing Stream Barrier Removal to Maximize Connected Aquatic Habitat and Minimize Water Scarcity

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    Instream barriers, such as dams, culverts, and diversions, alter hydrologic processes and aquatic habitat. Removing uneconomical and aging instream barriers is increasingly used for river restoration. Historically, selection of barrier removal projects used score‐and‐rank techniques, ignoring cumulative change and the spatial structure of stream networks. Likewise, most water supply models prioritize either human water uses or aquatic habitat, failing to incorporate both human and environmental water use benefits. Here, a dual‐objective optimization model identifies barriers to remove that maximize connected aquatic habitat and minimize water scarcity. Aquatic habitat is measured using monthly average streamflow, temperature, channel gradient, and geomorphic condition as indicators of aquatic habitat suitability. Water scarcity costs are minimized using economic penalty functions while a budget constraint specifies the money available to remove barriers. We demonstrate the approach using a case study in Utah\u27s Weber Basin to prioritize removal of instream barriers for Bonneville cutthroat trout, while maintaining human water uses. Removing 54 instream barriers reconnects about 160 km of quality‐weighted habitat and costs approximately US$10 M. After this point, the cost‐effectiveness of removing barriers to connect river habitat decreases. The modeling approach expands barrier removal optimization methods by explicitly including both economic and environmental water uses

    Integrating Human Health into Environmental Impact Assessment: An Unrealized Opportunity for Environmental Health and Justice

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    The National Environmental Policy Act and related state laws require many public agencies to analyze and disclose potentially significant environmental effects of agency actions, including effects on human health. In this paper we review the purpose and procedures of environmental impact assessment (EIA), existing regulatory requirements for health effects analysis, and potential barriers to and opportunities for improving integration of human health concerns within the EIA process. We use statutes, regulations, guidelines, court opinions, and empirical research on EIA along with recent case examples of integrated health impact assessment (HIA)/EIA at both the state and federal level. We extract lessons and recommendations for integrated HIA/EIA practice from both existing practices as well as case studies. The case studies demonstrate the adequacy, scope, and power of existing statutory requirements for health analysis within EIA. The following support the success of integrated HIA/EIA: a proponent recognizing EIA as an available regulatory strategy for public health; the openness of the agency conducting the EIA; involvement of public health institutions; and complementary objectives among community stakeholders and health practitioners. We recommend greater collaboration among institutions responsible for EIA, public health institutions, and affected stakeholders along with guidance, resources, and training for integrated HIA/EIA practice

    What Do Community Benefits Agreements Deliver? Evidence From Los Angeles

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    Problem, research strategy, and findings: Advocates of community benefits agreements (CBAs) between coalitions of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) and real estate developers contend that CBAs promote public accountability and responsiveness to community concerns. This study assesses the Los Angeles Sports and Entertainment District (LASED) CBA, which scholars and practitioners have described as a model for such agreements. I assess compliance with key provisions of the agreement related to jobs, affordable housing, and parks and recreational facilities. I also assess whether compliance with these provisions has yielded benefits beyond those required under existing laws and regulations. I find that the parties to the agreement have technically complied with many, although arguably not all, of its provisions. But some of the provisions in the CBA are not legally binding, other provisions overlap with requirements that the developer would have had to satisfy even without the CBA, and some reports required by the CBA are unavailable. As a result, outcomes such as living wage jobs and funding for affordable housing units are not clearly attributable to the CBA; other outcomes, such as targeted hiring, are unknown due to a lack of relevant information.Takeaway for practice: Although CBAs may not fulfill all the claims that advocates make on their behalf, they can play important roles in community development by directing public and private spending to underserved neighborhoods. But collecting and verifying the relevant data may be challenging, even if reporting requirements are clearly spelled out in the CBA. As the complexity of a CBA increases, so do the challenges of assessing outcomes and assigning responsibility for those outcomes

    Competing coalitions: The politics of renewable energy and fossil fuels in Mexico, South Africa and Thailand

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    This paper analyses why middle-income countries incentivize renewable energy despite inexpensive domestic fossil fuel resources and lack of international support. We examine the politics of renewable energy programs in Mexico, South Africa and Thailand. All three countries hold abundant local fossil fuel and renewable energy resources. We argue that renewable energy programs become implementable policy options in fossil fuel resource-rich middle-income countries when coalitions of powerful political actors support them. This study presents an analysis of the domestic coalitions in support of and those in opposition to renewable energy policies from a discourse network perspective. Discourse networks reflect actors and the arguments they share to advance or hamper the policy process. The analysis draws on a data set of 560 coded statements in support or opposition of renewable energy from media articles, policy documents and interviews. Findings show similar structures of competing coalitions in all three countries, with the discourse in all three countries revealing strong linkages between environmental and economic considerations

    Conceptualising sustainability in UK urban Regeneration: a discursive Formation

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    Despite the wide usage and popular appeal of the concept of sustainability in UK policy, it does not appear to have challenged the status quo in urban regeneration because policy is not leading in its conceptualisation and therefore implementation. This paper investigates how sustainability has been conceptualised in a case-based research study of the regeneration of Eastside in Birmingham, UK, through policy and other documents, and finds that conceptualisations of sustainability are fundamentally limited. The conceptualisation of sustainability operating within urban regeneration schemes should powerfully shape how they make manifest (or do not) the principles of sustainable development. Documents guide, but people implement regeneration—and the disparate conceptualisations of stakeholders demonstrate even less coherence than policy. The actions towards achieving sustainability have become a policy ‘fix’ in Eastside: a necessary feature of urban policy discourse that is limited to solutions within market-based constraints
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