56 research outputs found

    Neural response development during distributional learning.

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    We investigated online electrophysiological components of distributional learning, specifically of tones by listeners of a non-tonal language. German listeners were presented with a bimodal distribution of syllables with lexical tones from a synthesized continuum based on Cantonese level tones. Tones were presented in sets of four standards (within-category tokens) followed by a deviant (across-category token). Mismatch negativity (MMN) was measured. Earlier behavioral data showed that exposure to this bimodal distribution improved both categorical perception and perceptual acuity for level tones [1]. In the present study we present analyses of the electrophysiological response recorded during this exposure, i.e., the development of the MMN response during distributional learning. This development over time is analyzed using Generalized Additive Mixed Models and results showed that the MMN amplitude increased for both within- and across-category tokens, reflecting higher perceptual acuity accompanying category formation. This is evidence that learners zooming in on phonological categories undergo neural changes associated with more accurate phonetic perception.This research was also supported by a Research Networking grant (ESF) NetwordS No. 6609 to NB and a Leiden University AMT Individual Researcher Grant to JSN

    Short-term exposure enhances perception of both between- and within-category acoustic information.

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    A critical question in speech research is how listeners use non-discrete acoustic cues for discrimination between discrete alternative messages (e.g. words). Previous studies have shown that distributional learning can improve listeners’ discrimination of non-native speech sounds. Less is known about effects of training on perception of within-category acoustic detail. The present research investigates adult listeners’ perception of and discrimination between lexical tones without training or after a brief training exposure. Native speakers of German (a language without lexical tone) heard a 13-step pitch continuum of the syllable /li:/. Two different tasks were used to assess sensitivity to acoustic differences on this continuum: a) pitch height estimation and b) AX discrimination. Participants performed these tasks either without exposure or after exposure to a bimodal distribution of the pitch continuum. The AX discrimination results show that exposure to a bimodal distribution enhanced discrimination at the category boundary (i.e. categorical perception) of high vs. low tones. Interestingly, the pitch estimation task results followed a categorisation (sigmoid) function without exposure, but a linear function after exposure, suggesting estimates became less categorical in this task. The results suggest that training exposure may enhance not only discrimination between contrastive speech sounds (consistent with previous studies), but also perception of withincategory acoustic differences. Different tasks may reveal different skills

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    ĐŠĐ”Đ»ŃŒŃŽ ĐžŃŃĐ»Đ”ĐŽĐŸĐČĐ°ĐœĐžŃ яĐČĐ»ŃĐ”Ń‚ŃŃ ĐŸŃ†Đ”ĐœĐșĐ° ŃŃ„Ń„Đ”ĐșтоĐČĐœĐŸŃŃ‚Đž упраĐČĐ»Đ”ĐœĐžŃ ĐŽĐ”ŃŃ‚Đ”Đ»ŃŒĐœĐŸŃŃ‚ŃŒŃŽ ĐżŃ€Đ”ĐŽĐżŃ€ĐžŃŃ‚ĐžŃ ĐșĐ°Đș ĐžĐœŃ‚Đ”ĐłŃ€Đ°Đ»ŃŒĐœĐŸĐłĐŸ ĐżĐŸĐșĐ°Đ·Đ°Ń‚Đ”Đ»Ń, Ń‚ĐŸ Đ”ŃŃ‚ŃŒ упраĐČĐ»Đ”ĐœĐžŃ ŃĐŸĐČĐŸĐșŃƒĐżĐœĐŸŃŃ‚ŃŒŃŽ ĐŽĐ”ŃŃ‚Đ”Đ»ŃŒĐœĐŸŃŃ‚Đ”Đč, таĐșох ĐșĐ°Đș ĐżŃ€ĐŸĐžĐ·ĐČĐŸĐŽŃŃ‚ĐČĐ”ĐœĐœĐ°Ń, ĐžĐœĐČĐ”ŃŃ‚ĐžŃ†ĐžĐŸĐœĐœĐ°Ń, ĐžĐœĐœĐŸĐČĐ°Ń†ĐžĐŸĐœĐœĐ°Ń, ĐŒĐ°Ń€ĐșĐ”Ń‚ĐžĐœĐłĐŸĐČая Đž Ń„ĐžĐœĐ°ĐœŃĐŸĐČая

    The emergence of word-internal repetition through iterated learning:Explaining the mismatch between learning biases and language design

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    The idea that natural language is shaped by biases in learning plays a key role in our understanding of how human language is structured, but its corollary that there should be a correspondence between typological generalisations and ease of acquisition is not always supported. For example, natural languages tend to avoid close repetitions of consonants within a word, but developmental evidence suggests that, if anything, words containing sound repetitions are more, not less, likely to be acquired than those without. In this study, we use word-internal repetition as a test case to provide a cultural evolutionary explanation of when and how learning biases impact on language design. Two artificial language experiments showed that adult speakers possess a bias for both consonant and vowel repetitions when learning novel words, but the effects of this bias were observable in language transmission only when there was a relatively high learning pressure on the lexicon. Based on these results, we argue that whether the design of a language reflects biases in learning depends on the relative strength of pressures from learnability and communication efficiency exerted on the linguistic system during cultural transmission

    Erratum: Measurement of the t(t)over-bar production cross section in the dilepton channel in pp collisions at root s = 8 TeV (vol 2, 024, 2014)

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    Phonotactics and its acquisition, representation, and use : an experimental-phonological study

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    One of the most challenging tasks for language-learning infants and second language (L2)-learning adults is to segment the continuous stream of speech that surrounds them, and, following this, to acquire a lexicon. Both speech segmentation and lexical acquisition are known to be facilitated by phonotactics, i.e., language-specific restrictions on how phonemes may combine. This dissertation addresses questions regarding the representation and acquisition of such phonotactic knowledge in a native language and an L2. Five experimental studies are presented. The first three studies, using the artificial language learning paradigm, reveal that segmentation is influenced by structural phonotactic knowledge of OCP-PLACE, a restriction against pairs of consonants sharing the feature [Place]. It is shown that this knowledge is used only by native listeners or advanced L2 learners of a language restricted by the constraint. This suggests a language-specific acquisition from the input. The third study, with infants, shows that this input is continuous speech rather than the lexicon. The remaining two studies demonstrate that abstract phonotactic knowledge of syllable structure is represented separately from specific probabilistic knowledge, as the two have separate effects on lexical acquisition in a short-term memory recall task. Moreover, results from L2 learners suggest that probabilistic knowledge can be acquired independently of structural knowledge of the L2. While most studies have looked at the influence of specific representations of phonotactic probability, here it is shown that representations of abstract structural constraints also influence processing. Moreover, it is demonstrated that both types of phonotactic representations are acquired from the inpu

    OCP‐PLACE in speech segmentation

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    OCP-PLACE, a cross-linguistically well-attested constraint against pairs of consonants with shared [place], is psychologically real. Studies have shown that the processing of words violating OCP-PLACE is inhibited. Functionalists assume that OCP arises as a consequence of low-level perception: a consonant following another with the same [place] cannot be faithfully perceived as an independent unit. If functionalist theories were correct, then lexical access would be inhibited if two homorganic consonants conjoin at word boundaries—a problem that can only be solved with lexical feedback. Here, we experimentally challenge the functional account by showing that OCP-PLACE can be used as a speech segmentation cue during pre-lexical processing without lexical feedback, and that the use relates to distributions in the input. In Experiment 1, native listeners of Dutch located word boundaries between two labials when segmenting an artificial language. This indicates a use of OCP-LABIAL as a segmentation cue, implying a full perception of both labials. Experiment 2 shows that segmentation performance cannot solely be explained by well-formedness intuitions. Experiment 3 shows that knowledge of OCP-PLACE depends on language-specific input: in Dutch, co-occurrences of labials are under-represented, but co-occurrences of coronals are not. Accordingly, Dutch listeners fail to use OCP-CORONAL for segmentation

    Is speech processing influenced by abstract or detailed phonotactic representations? : The case of the Obligatory Contour Principle

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    Many languages restrict their lexicons by OCP-Place, a phonotactic constraint against co-occurrences of consonants with shared [place] (e.g., McCarthy, 1986). While many previous studies have suggested that listeners have knowledge of OCP-Place and use this for speech processing, it is less clear whether they make reference to an abstract representation of this constraint. In Dutch, OCP-Place gradiently restricts non-adjacent consonant co-occurrences in the lexicon. Focusing on labial-vowel-labial co-occurrences, we found that there are, however, exceptions from the general effect of OCP-Labial: (A) co-occurrences of identical labials are systematically less restricted than co-occurrences of homorganic labials, and (B) some specific pairs (e.g., /pVp/, /bVv/) occur more often than expected. Setting out to study whether exceptions such as (A) and (B) had an effect on processing, the current study presents an artificial language learning experiment and a reanalysis of Boll-Avetisyan and Kager's (2014) speech segmentation data. Results indicate that Dutch listeners can use both knowledge of phonotactic detail and an abstract constraint OCP-Labial as a cue for speech segmentation. We suggest that whether detailed or abstract representations are drawn on depends on the complexity of processing demands
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