[İstanbul]

Taha Toros Arşivi, Dosya Adı: İstanbul Genel Dokümanlarıİstanbul Kalkınma Ajansı (TR10/14/YEN/0033) İstanbul Development Agency (TR10/14/YEN/0033

Democracy in Crisis: Corruption, Media, and Power in Turkey

In November 2013, a Freedom House delegation traveled to Turkey to meet with journalists, NGOs, business leaders, and senior government officials about the deteriorating state of media freedom in the country. The delegation's objective, and the plan for this report, was to investigate reports of government efforts to pressure and intimidate journalists and of overly close relationships between media owners and government, which, along with bad laws and overly aggressive prosecutors, have muzzled objective reporting in Turkey.Since November, events in Turkey have taken a severe turn for the worse. The police raids that revealed a corruption scandal on December 17, and the allegations of massive bidrigging and money laundering by people at the highest levels of the government, have sparked a frantic crackdown by the ruling Justice and Development (AK) Party. More journalists have been fired for speaking out. Hundreds of police officers and prosecutors have been fired or relocated across the country. Amendments to the new Internet regulation law proposed by the government would make it possible for officials to block websites without court orders. The government is also threatening the separation of powers by putting the judiciary, including criminal investigations, under direct control of the Ministry of Justice. The crisis of democracy in Turkey is not a future problem -- it is right here, right now.This report on the media recognizes that what is happening in Turkey is bigger than one institution and part of a long history that continues to shape current events. The media in Turkey have always been close to the state; as recently as 1997, large media organizations were co-opted by the military to subvert a democratically elected government. The AK Party was formed in the wake of those events. But even as it has tamed the military, the AKP has been unable to resist the temptations of authoritarianism embedded in the state the military helped create. Over the past seven years, the government has increasingly employed a variety of strong-arm tactics to suppress the media's proper role as a check on power. Some of the most disturbing efforts include the following:Intimidation: Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdo?an frequently attacks journalists by name after they write critical commentary. In several well-known cases, like those of Hasan Cemal and Nuray Mert, journalists have lost their jobs after these public attacks. Sympathetic courts hand out convictions in defamation cases for criticism.Mass firings: At least 59 journalists were fired or forced out in retaliation for their coverage of last summer's Gezi Park protests. The December corruption scandal has produced another string of firings of prominent columnists.Buying off or forcing out media moguls: Holding companies sympathetic to the government receive billions of dollars in government contracts, often through government bodies housed in the prime minister's office. Companies with media outlets critical of the government have been targets of tax investigations, forced to pay large fines, and likely disadvantaged in public tenders.Wiretapping: The National Security Organization has wiretapped journalists covering national security stories, using false names on the warrants in order to avoid judicial scrutiny.Imprisonment: Dozens of journalists remain imprisoned under broadly defined antiterrorism laws. A majority of those in prison are Kurds, and some analysts believe the government is using them as bargaining chips in negotiations with the Kurdish PKKThese tactics are unacceptable in a democracy. They deny Turkish citizens full access to information and constrain a healthy political debate. Journalists and government officials alike acknowledge that reporters and news organizations have practiced self-censorship to avoid angering the government, and especially Prime Minister Erdogan.The intentional weakening of Turkey's democratic institutions, including attempts to bully and censor Turkey's media, should and must be a matter of deep concern for the United States and the European Union. As the AKParty's internal coalition has grown more fragile, Erdogan has used his leverage over the media to push issues of public morality and religion and to squelch public debate of the accountability of his government. The result is an increasingly polarized political arena and society.Freedom House calls on the government of Turkey to recognize that in a democracy, a free press and other independent institutions play a very important role. There are clear and concrete steps the Turkish government must take to end the intimidation and corruption of Turkey's media. Chief among these are the following:Cease threats against journalists.Repeal the criminal defamation law and overly broad antiterrorism and "criminal organization" laws that have been used to jail dozens of journalists.Comply with European and international standards in procurement practices in order to reduce the incentive for media owners to curry favor by distorting the news. Turkish media owners themselves must make a commitment to support changes in procurement practices if they are to win back the trust of Turkey's citizens.Although building a resilient democracy is fundamentally up to Turkish citizens, the international community cannot afford to be bystanders. The European Union and the OSCE have raised strong concerns about government pressure on Turkey's media, and the EU's warnings against governmental overreach have been pointed. Unfortunately, the same cannot be said for the United States. The Obama administration has been far too slow to realize the seriousness of the threat to Turkey's democracy. U.S. criticism of the Turkish government's recent actions has come from the State Department spokesperson and White House press secretary, not from the high-ranking officials who need to be engaged in responding to a crisis of this scale. Where European governments and institutions have been specifically and publicly engaged with the government over the crisis, the Obama administration has avoided the difficult issues. It is time to speak frankly and with seriousness about the growing threat to democracy in Turkey, and to place freedom of expression and democracy at the center of the policy relationship

Evasion of cytotoxic T lymphocyte (CTL) responses by nef-dependent induction of Fas ligand (CD95L) expression on simian immunodeficiency virus-infected cells.

Published versio

Changes in Continental and Sea-salt Atmospheric Loadings in Central Greenland during the Most Recent Deglaciation: Model-based Estimates

By fitting a very simple atmospheric impurity model to high-resolution data on ice accumulation and contaminant f1uxes in the GISP2 ice core, we have estimated changes in the atmospheric concentrations of soluble major ions, insoluble particulates and 10Be during the transition from glacial to Holocene conditions. For many species, changes in concentration in the ice typically overestimate atmospheric changes, and changes in flux to the ice typically underestimate atmospheric changes, because times of increased atmospheric contaminant loading are also times of reduced snowfall. The model interpolates between the flux and concentration records by explicitly allowing [or wet- and dry- deposition processes. Compared to the warm Preboreal that followed, we estimate that the atmosphere over Greenland sampled b y snow accumulated during the Younger Dryas cold event contained on average four-seven times the insoluble particulates and n early seven times the soluble calcium derived from continental sources, and about three times the sea salt but only slightly more cosmogenic 10Be

Density regulation amplifies environmentally induced population fluctuations

Background Density-dependent regulation is ubiquitous in population dynamics, and its potential interaction with environmental stochasticity complicates the characterization of the random component of population dynamics. Yet, this issue has not received attention commensurate with its relevance for descriptive and predictive modeling of population dynamics. Here we use a Bayesian modeling approach to investigate the contribution of density regulation to population variability in stochastic environments. Methods We analytically derive a formula linking the stationary variance of population abundance/density under Gompertz regulation in a stochastic environment with constant variance to the environmental variance and the strength of density feedback, to investigate whether and how density regulation affects the stationary variance. We examine through simulations whether the relationship between stationary variance and density regulation inferred analytically under the Gompertz model carries over to the Ricker model, widely used in population dynamics modeling. Results The analytical decomposition of the stationary variance under stochastic Gompertz dynamics implies higher variability for strongly regulated populations. Simulation results demonstrate that the pattern of increasing population variability with increasing density feedback found under the Gompertz model holds for the Ricker model as well, and is expected to be a general phenomenon with stochastic population models. We also analytically established and empirically validated that the square of the autoregressive parameter of the Gompertz model in AR(1) form represents the proportion of stationary variance due to density dependence. Discussion Our results suggest that neither environmental stochasticity nor density regulation can alone explain the patterns of population variability in stochastic environments, as these two components of temporal variation interact, with a tendency for density regulation to amplify the magnitude of environmentally induced population fluctuations. This finding has far-reaching implications for population viability. It implies that intense intra-specific resource competition increases the risk of environment-driven population collapse at high density, making opportune harvesting a sensible practice for improving the resistance of managed populations such as fish stocks to environmental perturbations. The separation of density-dependent and density-independent processes will help improve population dynamics modeling, while providing a basis for evaluating the relative importance of these two categories of processes that remains a topic of long-standing controversy among ecologists

Rate of telomere shortening and cardiovascular damage: a longitudinal study in the 1946 British Birth Cohort.

AIM: Cross-sectional studies reported associations between short leucocyte telomere length (LTL) and measures of vascular and cardiac damage. However, the contribution of LTL dynamics to the age-related process of cardiovascular (CV) remodelling remains unknown. In this study, we explored whether the rate of LTL shortening can predict CV phenotypes over 10-year follow-up and the influence of established CV risk factors on this relationship. METHODS AND RESULTS: All the participants from the MRC National Survey of Health and Development (NSHD) with measures of LTL and traditional CV risk factors at 53 and 60-64 years and common carotid intima-media thickness (cIMT), cardiac mass and left ventricular function at 60-64 years were included. LTL was measured by real-time polymerase chain reaction and available at both time points in 1033 individuals. While LTL at 53 years was not linked with any CV phenotype at 60-64 years, a negative association was found between LTL and cIMT at 60-64 years (β = -0.017, P = 0.015). However, the strongest association was found between rate of telomere shortening between 53 and 60-64 years and values of cIMT at 60-64 years (β = -0.020, P = 0.006). This association was not affected by adjustment for traditional CV risk factors. Cardiac measurements were not associated with cross-sectional or longitudinal measures of LTL. CONCLUSION: These findings suggest that the rate of progression of cellular ageing in late midlife (reflected by the rate of LTL attrition) relates to vascular damage, independently from contribution of CV risk factor exposure