Resilabificación incompleta y acoplamiento gestual ambisilábico en español

In the generative literature, the pattern of coronal fricative lenition found in the traditional Chinato Spanish dialect is commonly cited as a phonological argument that the resyllabification of word-final prevocalic consonants is complete, in the sense that onsets derived by resyllabification are structurally identical to canonical (word-level) onsets. However, recent acoustic studies of Northern-Central Peninsular Spanish have problematized the completeness of resyllabification with experimental evidence that /s̺/ is shorter and more voiced as a derived onset than as a canonical onset. Using a split-gesture, competitive, coupled oscillator model of the syllable in Articulatory Phonology, which divides consonants into a separate constriction and release gesture, we propose a novel representation of ambisyllabicity that predicts the phonetic behavior of derived onset /s̺/ in Northern-Central Peninsular Spanish. We then show that ambisyllabic coupling permits a simpler phonological analysis of coronal fricative lenition in Chinato Spanish as compared to alternative accounts. Our analysis makes typological predictions that are confirmed by patterns from other contemporary Spanish varieties. Lastly, we examine the consequences of ambisyllabicity for the analysis of Spanish rhotic consonants, which have also been argued to support complete resyllabification. We offer an analysis of rhotics that is entirely compatible with an ambisyllabic representation of incomplete resyllabification.En la literatura generativa, el debilitamiento de fricativas coronales en el dialecto chinato del español peninsular se cita comúnmente como un argumento fonológico a favor de la resilabificación completa de consonantes prevocálicas finales de palabra, o sea que los arranques derivados por resilabificación son idénticos estructuralmente a los arranques canónicos a nivel de palabra. Sin embargo, algunos estudios acústicos recientes han problematizado la resilabificación completa en el español peninsular centro-norteño al presentar evidencia experimental de que la /s̺/ es más corta y sonorizada como arranque derivado que como arranque canónico. Utilizamos un modelo de acoplamiento competitivo desde la Fonología Articulatoria, el cual divide a las consonantes en un gesto de constricción y de soltura, para proponer una nueva representación de la ambisilabicidad que predice el comportamiento fonético de la /s̺/ como arranque derivado en el español peninsular centro-norteño. Luego, demostramos que el acoplamiento ambisilábico permite analizar mejor el debilitamiento de fricativas coronales en el español chinato, en comparación con otras explicaciones alternativas. Confirmamos las predicciones tipológicas de nuestro análisis para otras variedades contemporáneas del español. Por último, examinamos las consecuencias de la ambisilabicidad para el análisis de las consonantes róticas del español, también citadas como otro argumento a favor de la resilabificación completa. Ofrecemos un análisis de las róticas que es totalmente compatible con una representación ambisilábica de la resilabificación incompleta

Temporal articulatory stability, phonological variation, and lexical contrast preservation in diaspora Tibetan

This dissertation examines how lexical tone can be represented with articulatory gestures, and the ways a gestural perspective can inform synchronic and diachronic analysis of the phonology and phonetics of a language. Tibetan is chosen an example of a language with interacting laryngeal and tonal phonology, a history of tonogenesis and dialect diversification, and recent contact-induced realignment of the tonal and consonantal systems. Despite variation in voice onset time (VOT) and presence/absence of the lexical tone contrast, speakers retain a consistent relative timing of consonant and vowel gestures. Recent research has attempted to integrate tone into the framework of Articulatory Phonology through the addition of tone gestures. Unlike other theories of phonetics-phonology, Articulatory Phonology uniquely incorporates relative timing as a key parameter. This allows the system to represent contrasts instantiated not just in the presence or absence of gestures, but also in how gestures are timed with each other. Building on the different predictions of various timing relations, along with the historical developments in the language, hypotheses are generated and tested with acoustic and articulatory experiments. Following an overview of relevant theory, the second chapter surveys past literature on the history of sound change and present phonological diversity of Tibetic dialects. Whereas Old Tibetan lacked lexical tone, contrasted voiced and voiceless obstruents, and exhibited complex clusters, a series of overlapping sound changes have led to some modern varieties that are tone, lack clusters, and vary in the expression of voicing and aspiration. Furthermore, speakers in the Tibetan diaspora use a variety that has grown out of the contact between diverse Tibetic dialects. The state of the language and the dynamics of diaspora have created a situation ripe for sound change, including the recombination of elements from different dialects and, potentially, the loss of tone contrasts. The nature of the diaspora Tibetan is investigated through an acoustic corpus study. Recordings made in Kathmandu, Nepal, are being transcribed and forced-aligned into a useful audio corpus. Speakers in the corpus come from diverse backgrounds across and outside traditional Tibetan-speaking regions, but the analysis presented here focuses on speakers who grew up in diaspora, with a mixed input of Standard Tibetan (spyi skad) and other Tibetan varieties. Especially notable among these speakers is the high variability of voice onset time (VOT) and its interaction with tone. An analysis of this data in terms of the relative timing of oral, laryngeal, and tone gestures leads to the generation of hypotheses for testing using articulatory data. The articulatory study is conducted using electromagnetic articulography (EMA), and six Tibetan-speaking participants. The key finding is that the relative timing of consonant and vowel gestures is consistent across phonological categories and across speakers who do and do not contrast tone. This result leads to the conclusion that the relative timing of speech gestures is conserved and acquired independently. Speakers acquire and generalize a limited inventory of timing patterns, and can use timing patterns even when the conditioning environment for the development of those patterns, namely tone, has been lost

A split-gesture, competitive, coupled oscillator model of syllable structure predicts the emergence of edge gemination and degemination

The phonological mechanisms responsible for the emergence of edge geminates in phonological processes like the Italian Raddoppiamento (Fono-)Sintattico (RS) are an open issue. Previous analyses of Italian treat gemination of (i) word initial consonants, (ii) morpheme-final consonants, and (iii) word final consonants as separate processes brought about by dedicated rule/constraints. We argue that these edge gemination processes result from the same, independently established principles. Through computational simulation of the split-gesture, competitive, coupled oscillator model of syllable structure of Articulatory Phonology, we show that increases in closure duration typical of geminates arise from changes to consonant/vowel couplings. Word initial gemination follows from coupling of a closure gesture to a preceding vowel across a word boundary. Word final gemination follows from coupling of a release gesture to a following vowel. In both cases, the posited structures reflect changes in syllabification hypothesized in previous work. The model simulation also predict different durations for resyllabified edge geminates and medial lexical geminates, in line with experimental findings on the topic. Changes to consonant/vowel couplings also account for the opposite effect: word initial degemination. Thus, the coupled oscillator model of Articulatory Phonology, originally developed to model intergestural timing, predicts the emergence of edge gemination/degemination

일본어 고모음 무성음화에서 나타나는 적극 중첩

학위논문(석사) -- 서울대학교대학원 : 인문대학 언어학과, 2023. 2. 전종호.본고는 일본어 고모음 무성음화의 변이 양상에 기여하는 음운론적인 요소를 탐구하고자 한다. 고모음 무성음화란, 무성 자음 사이에서 고모음이 유성성을 잃는 현상으로, 이는 종종 음성학적인 현상으로 간주되어 왔다. 예컨대 Jun et al. (1998)과 같은 기존 연구에 따르면, 고모음 무성음화는 고모음을 둘러싼 무성 자음의 성문 개방 동작이 겹쳐짐에 따라 고모음의 유성성이 실현되지 못하는 것으로 이해되었다. 이러한 음성학적 설명은 고모음 무성음화의 실현이 오로지 주변 자음의 조음적 특성 및 대상 모음과 주변 자음 사이의 시간적 배열에 따라 결정될 것임을 가정한다. 따라서, 이러한 설명은 일본어 고모음 무성음화가 일본어의 음운론적 구조와 무관할 것임을 예측한다. 이러한 예측과는 반대로, 본고는 인접 음절 간의 유사성에 대한 구조적 지식이 고모음 무성음화의 실현에 중요한 역할을 한다는 것을 보인다. 일본어 발화 코퍼스(Corpus of Spontaneous Japanese; Maekawa et al. 2000)에서 추출한 대규모의 자료를 기반으로, 본고는 고모음 무성음화의 빈도에 영향을 주는 음운론적 경향성을 다음과 같이 밝혀내었다. (i) 무성음화는 마찰음이나 파찰음이 대상 모음에 선행하고, 마찰음이 후행할 때 저지된다.(조음 양식의 일치 조건) (ii) 조음 양식의 일치 조건 하에서, 무성음화는 대상 모음에 후행하는 음절이 또다른 고모음을 포함할 때 더욱 더 저지된다.(모음 높이의 일치 조건) (iii) 무성음화는 대상 모음이 액센트를 지닐 때 덜 일어난다. (iv) 무성음화는 중자음이 대상 모음에 후행할 때 덜 일어난다. (v) 무성음화 환경이 연속적으로 일어나는 환경에서, 인접 음절의 두 모음이 모두 무성음화되는 것은 회피되는 경향이 있다. 본고는 위의 경향성들을 최적성이론(Optimality Theory; Prince and Smolensky 1993/2004)에 입각하여 형식적으로 분석하고자 한다. 먼저, 본고는 무성음화가 변이음적 교체를 산출해내는 일반적인 제약의 위계(ranking)에 의해 도출된다고 주장한다. 즉, 이는 환경의존적 유표성(context-sensitive markedness) 제약 (DEVOICE: 무성 자음 사이에서 짧은 유성 고모음을 금함) >> 환경독립적 유표성(context-free markedness) 제약(SONVOI: 무성 공명음을 금함) >> 충실성(faithfulness) 제약(IO-ID(vce): 입력형의 [유성성]([voice]) 값을 출력형에서 바꾸는 것을 금함)으로 나타난다. 추가적으로, 연속 무성음화가 회피되는 경향성을 설명하기 위해 OCP-V̥ (인접 음절 내의 두 무성 모음을 금함)을 제안한다. 위의 경향성 중, 조음 양식과 모음 높이의 일치 조건은 음절 구조를 참조하여 분석될 수 있다. V1이 무성음화의 대상이 되는 고모음이고 C1과 C2가 무성 자음이라고 할 때, /C1V1C2V2/ 연속은 일본어에서 [C1V1]σ1[C2V2]σ2 의 두 음절로 나뉜다. 이를 바탕으로, 무성음화는 인접 음절의 두음(onset), 즉 C1과 C2가 [+지속성]([+continuant])로 일치할 때 저지된다고 할 수 있다. ((예) suso 옷자락) 파찰음은 위치에 따라 다른 행동을 보이는데, 모음에 선행하는 환경(즉, C1)에서는 마찰음과 함께 [+지속성]로 행동하고 모음에 후행하는 환경(즉, C2)에서는 파열음과 함께 [-지속성]로 행동한다. 조음 양식의 일치 조건에 더하여, 무성음화는 인접 음절의 음절핵(nuclei), 즉 V1과 V2의 [고설성]([high]) 자질이 일치할 때 더욱 더 저지된다고 할 수 있다. 조음 양식과 모음 높이 간의 부가적인 효과는 인접 음절 간의 유사도가 높아질수록 무성음화 빈도가 낮아짐을 시사한다. 본고는 위와 같이 유사성에 의한 저지 효과가 인접하고 서로 유사한 음절 내에 있는 모음 간의 유성성 일치를 보존하기 위해 일어난다고 주장한다. 이러한 주장을 형식화하기 위해, 본고는 Zuraw(2002)의 적극 중첩(Aggressive Reduplication)을 차용한 분석을 제시한다. McCarthy and Prince(1995)에서 어기와 중첩어 사이의 동일성이 대응(correspondence)에 의해 발생한다고 주장되는 것처럼, 적극 중첩 이론은 단어 내 하위 연쇄(substring)간의 대응이 REDUP 이라는 제약에 의해 부과되고, REDUP 에 의해 촉발된 대응 제약들(κκ-CORR)이 대응 연쇄 간의 상호유사성이 떨어지는 것을 막는다고 주장한다. 이 주장에 따라, 본고는 유사성에 의한 저지 효과가 인접 음절 간에서 작용하는 대응 제약들이 무성음화가 일어났을 때 발생하는 대응 모음 간의 유성성 불일치를 비선호하기 때문에 일어난다고 설명한다. 나아가서, κκ-CORR 제약이 REDUP 제약보다 상위에 놓이게 되면, 대응 구조가 상호유사한 음절에만 놓이게 되고, 따라서 무성음화가 이러한 환경에서만 저지되는 결과를 도출해 낸다. 본고는 유사성과 관련한 대안적 이론인 의무 굴곡 원리(Obligatory Contour Principle; McCarthy 1986)와 대응을 통한 일치 이론(Agreement by Correspondence; Rose and Walker 2004)을 살펴보고, 오로지 적극 중첩 이론만이 분절음보다 더 큰 단위의 대응을 허용하기 때문에 일본어 고모음화에서 나타나는 유사성에 의한 저지 효과를 성공적으로 설명할 수 있다고 주장한다. 본고는 고저 액센트와 중자음의 효과를 설명하기 위한 추가적인 제약들 또한 제시한다. 액센트를 지닌 음절의 심리언어학적, 청취적 현저성을 바탕으로, 액센트를 지닌 음절이 더 큰 위치적 충실성(positional faithfulness; Beckman 1998)을 요구하기에 무성음화를 저지한다고 보고, 이러한 위치적 충실성을 반영하여 (IO-ID(vce)/σ́(액센트를 지닌 음절 내의 입력형 [유성성] 값을 출력형에서 바꾸는 것을 금함)을 제시한다. 중자음이 무성음화를 저지하는 효과는 일본어에서 중자음에 선행하는 모음이 길이가 길어진다는 사실(Kawahara 2015)로부터 기인한다고 주장한다. 청취적 사상 가설(P-map hypothesis; Steriade 2001, 2009)에 입각하여, 유성성의 청취적 차이가 짧은 모음과 그것의 무성음 짝 사이보다 장음화된 모음과 그것의 무성음 짝 사이에서 더 클 것이라고 가정한다. 이에 따라 또다른 위치적 충실성 제약인 IO-ID(vce)/_GEM(중자음에 선행하는 모음에 대해, 입력형의 [voice] 값을 출력형에서 바꾸는 것을 금함)을 제시한다. 마지막으로, 고모음 무성음화에서 나타나는 변이를 설명하기 위해, 본고는 Anttila(1997)의 부분 위계 이론(Partially Ordered Constraints)을 차용한다. 이에 입각하여, 제약의 일부 위계는 고정되어 있지만, 다른 부분은 매 산출 시마다 바뀔 수 있다고 가정한다. 본고는 음절 간의 유사성이라는 구조적 지식이 일본어 고모음 무성음화에 영향을 준다는 것을 발견하고, 이는 기존에 이 현상이 음성적이거나 어휘부 외적(post-lexical)이라는 주장과 상충됨을 보인다. 본고의 발견은 일본어 화자들에게 모음의 유성성에 대한 정보가 순전히 변이음적일지라도, 화자들이 모음 간의 유성성이 서로 같거나 다른지에 대한 지식을 가지고 있음을 시사한다.In this study, I investigate the phonological factors that contribute to the variable pattern of Japanese high vowel devoicing. High vowel devoicing, whereby high vowels lose voicing between voiceless consonants, has often been considered to be a phonetic process; it has been claimed that this process occurs because voicing of high vowels fails to be achieved due to an overlap of the glottal opening gestures of the surrounding voiceless consonants (Jun et al. 1998). Such an account assumes that the application of high vowel devoicing is solely conditioned by the articulatory characteristics of the surrounding consonants, and the temporal organization of the target vowel with the surrounding consonants. As such, it predicts that Japanese high vowel devoicing will be insensitive to the phonological structure of Japanese. Contrary to this prediction, the current study shows that the structural knowledge of similarity between adjacent syllables plays an important role in the application of high vowel devoicing. Using a large-scale dataset from a Japanese speech corpus (Corpus of Spontaneous Japanese; Maekawa et al. 2000), I report the following phonological tendencies that affect the rate of high vowel devoicing: (i) Devoicing is less likely if the target vowel is preceded by a fricative or affricate and followed by a fricative. (Matching manner condition) (ii) In the matching manner condition, devoicing is even less likely if the syllable following the target vowel contains another high vowel. (Matching height condition) (iii) Devoicing is less likely if the target vowel is accented. (iv) Devoicing is less likely if the target vowel is followed by a geminate. (v) In the environment where the devoicing context occurs consecutively, devoicing of two vowels in adjacent syllables tends to be avoided. I then provide a formal analysis of the observed tendencies within the framework of Optimality Theory (Prince and Smolensky 1993/2004). First, I claim that devoicing is derived by a typical ranking of constraints for allophonic variation: Context-sensitive Markedness (DEVOICE: No voiced short high vowel between voiceless consonants) >> Context-free Markedness (SONVOI: No voiceless sonorant) >> Faithfulness (IO-ID(vce): No change of the input [voice] in the output). Additionally, I propose OCP-V̥ (No voiceless vowels in adjacent syllables) to account for the tendency of consecutive devoicing to be avoided. The matching manner and matching height conditions among the tendencies above can be generalized by making reference to the syllable structure. /C1V1C2V2/ sequences, where V1 is a target high vowel and C1 and C2 are voiceless consonants, are parsed into [C1V1]σ1[C2V2]σ2 in Japanese. Given this, it can be said that devoicing is suppressed if the onsets of the adjacent syllables (i.e., C1 and C2) match in [+continuant] (e.g., suso hem). Affricates show a position-specific behavior, patterning with fricatives in prevocalic position (i.e., C1) as [+continuant], and with stops in postvocalic position (i.e., C2) as [−continuant]. In addition to the matching manner condition, devoicing is further suppressed if the height of the nuclei (i.e., V1 and V2) agrees in [high] (e.g., susi sushi). This additive effect of the matching height condition to the matching manner condition suggests that devoicing rates decrease as the degree of similarity between two adjacent syllables increases. I claim that these similarity-driven blocking effects arise due to an effort to preserve the voicing identity between the vowels in adjacent, self-similar syllables. To formalize this claim, I provide an analysis adopting Zuraws (2002) Aggressive Reduplication. As much as reduplicative identity is argued to be driven by correspondence between a base and reduplicant (McCarthy and Prince 1995), the Aggressive Reduplication account proposes that correspondence between word-internal substrings is imposed by the constraint REDUP, and correspondence constraints (κκ-CORR) that are invoked by REDUP prevent any disruption of self-similarity between the correspondent strings. Under this account, the similarity-driven blocking effects are explained by the effects of correspondence constraints operating between adjacent syllables, which disprefer a mismatch of [voice] between the correspondent vowels when the target vowel devoices. In addition, the ranking of κκ-CORR over REDUP derives the results where correspondence structure is only posited in self-similar syllables, and thus blocks devoicing only in those environments. I discuss alternative similarity-related theories such as the Obligatory Contour Principle (McCarthy 1986) and Agreement by Correspondence (Rose and Walker 2004), and argue that only Aggressive Reduplication successfully accounts for the similarity-driven effects in Japanese high vowel devoicing, since it allows correspondence beyond the segmental level. On top of the above constraints, I provide additional constraints for the effects of pitch accent and geminacy. Based on the psycholinguistic and perceptual salience of accented syllables, I claim that pitch accent impedes devoicing since accented syllables require greater positional faithfulness (IO-ID(vce)/σ́; Do not change the input [voice] of an accented syllable in the output, following Beckman 1998). I further claim that the inhibitory effect of geminates is based on pre-geminate vowel lengthening in Japanese (Kawahara 2015). Based on the P-map hypothesis (Steriade 2001, 2009), I assume that the perceptual difference in voicing between a lengthened vowel and its voiceless counterpart is greater than that between a short vowel and its voiceless counterpart. As such, I propose another positional faithfulness constraint, IO-ID(vce)/_GEM, which bans a voicing change of a vowel before a geminate. Finally, to account for variation, I employ Anttilas (1997) Partially Ordered Constraints approach. Based on this, I assume some parts of the constraint ranking are fixed, while others can change at each production. The current study finds that structural knowledge such as similarity relations across syllables plays a crucial role in Japanese high vowel devoicing, which has often been treated as a phonetic or post-lexical process. This suggests that Japanese speakers are sensitive to the (dis)similarity of vowel voicing, even when this information is purely allophonic.1. Introduction 1 2. Data 7 2.1. Corpus 7 2.2. Phonological tendencies 13 2.2.1. C1 and C2 manner 13 2.2.2. V2 height 17 2.2.3. Pitch accent 20 2.2.4. Geminacy of C2 21 2.2.5. Morpheme boundary 22 2.2.6. Consecutive devoicing environment 24 2.2.7. Statistical analysis 25 3. Analysis 29 3.1. Basic mechanism of high vowel devoicing 30 3.2. Aggressive Reduplication 35 3.3. Accent and geminacy 52 3.4. Calculating ranking probabilities 55 4. Potential alternatives 63 4.1. OCP 63 4.2. ABC 67 5. Conclusion 72 References 76 국문 초록 87석

Categoriality and continuity in prosodic prominence

Prosody has been characterised as a "half-tamed savage" being shaped by both discrete, categorical aspects as well as gradient, continuous phenomena. This book is concerned with the relation of the "wild" and the "tamed" sides of prosodic prominence. It reviews problems that arise from a strict separation of categorical and continuous representations in models of phonetics and phonology, and it explores the potential role of descriptions aimed at reconciling the two domains. In doing so, the book offers an introduction to dynamical systems, a framework that has been studied extensively in the last decades to model speech production and perception. The reported acoustic and articulatory data presented in this book show that categorical and continuous modulations used to enhance prosodic prominence are deeply intertwined and even exhibit a kind of symbiosis. A multi-dimensional dynamical model of prosodic prominence is sketched, based on the empirical data, combining tonal and articulatory aspects of prosodic focus marking. The model demonstrates how categorical and continuous aspects can be inte- grated in a joint theoretical treatment that overcomes a strict separation of phonetics and phonology

Compression Effects in English

This paper reports the results of an English experiment on vowel-shortening in different contexts. The data concern compression effects, whereby, in syllables with a greater number of segments, each one of the segments is shorter than in syllables with fewer segments. The experiment demonstrates that the amount of vowel compression found in English monosyllabic words depends in part on which consonants occur adjacent to the vowel in that word, how many consonants occur, and in which position they occur. Consonant clusters drive more vowel shortening than singletons when they involve liquids, but not when they involve only obstruents. Clusters involving nasals drive shortening relative to singletons only in onset position. We suggest that the results cannot be reduced to general principles of gestural overlap and coordination between consonants and vowels, but instead require a theory with overt representation of auditory duration

On the phonetic implementation of syllabic consonants and vowel-less syllables in Tashlhiyt

This paper presents an acoustic and electropalatographic study of how vowel-less syllables and their constituents are phonetically implemented in Tashlhiyt Berber. Three issues are addressed. First, we determine whether the acoustic and articulatory make-up of a consonant changes as a function of its position within a syllable (C-nucleus vs. C-onset vs. C-coda). Second, we consider the patterns of articulatory coordination between consonants as a function of their position within and across the syllable. Third, we test whether nuclei consonants are produced as sequences of schwa vowels + consonants. While some differences are observed in linguopalatal articulation, position in a syllable is not found to affect the acoustic and articulatory duration of a consonant in Tashlhiyt. Interestingly, syllable organization appears to be reflected in the specifications of the coordination between consonants. Consonants in nucleus position are more stable in their coordination with flanking consonants and are less overlapped by a following consonant. In addition, our results suggest that the occurrence of a schwa-like element before a consonant depends on the laryngeal specifications of the consonants in the sequence rather than on its syllabic status.This paper presents an acoustic and electropalatographic study of how vowel-less syllables and their constituents are phonetically implemented in Tashlhiyt Berber. Three issues are addressed. First, we determine whether the acoustic and articulatory make-up of a consonant changes as a function of its position within a syllable (C-nucleus vs. C-onset vs. C-coda). Second, we consider the patterns of articulatory coordination between consonants as a function of their position within and across the syllable. Third, we test whether nuclei consonants are produced as sequences of schwa vowels + consonants. While some differences are observed in linguopalatal articulation, position in a syllable is not found to affect the acoustic and articulatory duration of a consonant in Tashlhiyt. Interestingly, syllable organization appears to be reflected in the specifications of the coordination between consonants. Consonants in nucleus position are more stable in their coordination with flanking consonants and are less overlapped by a following consonant. In addition, our results suggest that the occurrence of a schwa-like element before a consonant depends on the laryngeal specifications of the consonants in the sequence rather than on its syllabic status.Este artículo presenta un estudio acústico y electropalatográfico sobre cómo se implemententan en Bereber Tashlhyt las sílabas sin vocales y sus constituyentes. Para ello se abordan tres cuestiones. En primer lugar determinamos si la composición acústica y articulatoria de una consonante cambia como una función de su posición en la sílaba (C-núcleo vs. C-ataqu, vs. C-coda). En segundo lugar, consideramos los patrones de la coordinación articulatoria entre consonantes como una función de su posición en y a través de la sílaba. Y en tercer lugar, examinamos si los núcleos de las sílabas son producidos como secuencia de vocal schwa + consonantes. Si bien se han observado algunas diferencias en la articulación linguopalatal, por otra parte no se ha encontrado que la posición en una sílaba afecte a la duración articulatoria y acústica de las consonantes en Tashlhyt. Curiosamente, la organización de la sílaba parece estar reflejada en las especificaciones de la coordinación entre consonantes. Las consonantes en la posición de núcleo son más estables en su coordinación con las consonantes de sus flancos y están menos solapadas por la consonante siguiente. En adición, nuestros resultados sugieren que la aparición de elementos tipo schwa antes de una consonante depende de las especificaciones laríngeas de las consonantes en la secuencia más que de su estatus silábico