Civil Society Challenged: Towards an Enabling Policy Environment

The roles of non-governmental or civil society organizations have become more complex, especially in the context of changing relationships with nation states and the international community. In many instances, state–civil society relations have worsened, leading experts to speak of a "shrinking space" for civil society nationally as well as internationally. The author proposes to initiate a process for the establishment of an independent high-level commission of eminent persons (i) to examine the changing policy environment for civil society organizations in many countries as well as internationally, (ii) to review the reasons behind the shrinking space civil society encounters in some parts of the world and its steady development in others, and (iii) to make concrete proposals for how the state and the international system on the one hand and civil society on the other hand can relate in productive ways in national and multilateral contexts

Financial Data Transparency, International Institutions, and Sovereign Borrowing Costs

Recent events in international finance illustrate the close connection between the viability of a country's major private financial institutions and the sustainability of its sovereign debt. We explore the precise nature of this connection and the ways in which it shapes investors’ expectations of sovereign creditworthiness. We consider how investors use the overall level of information available about the private financial sector—and the potential risks it poses to government finances—when making decisions about investing in sovereign debt. We expect that governments providing more information about the private financial sector will have lower, and less volatile, borrowing costs. In order to test this argument, we create a new Financial Data Transparency (FDT) Index measuring governments’ willingness to release credible financial system data. Using the FDT and a sample of high-income OECD countries, we find that such transparency reduces sovereign borrowing costs. The effects are conditional on the level of public indebtedness. Transparent countries with low debt enjoy lower and less volatile borrowing costs

'Responsive Government' als neues Leitbild der Verwaltungsmodernisierung?

Gerade in Zeiten, die primär von Einsparungen geprägt sind, ist es wichtig, auch über zukünftige Entwicklungslinien des öffentlichen Dienstes jenseits tagesaktueller Dringlichkeiten nachzudenken. Und wenn man hier einen Blick über die deutschen Grenzen hinaus auf internationale Entwicklungen und Diskussionen wirft, scheint eine Idee besonders stark im Vordergrund zu stehen: die einer verstärkten Außenorientierung und Öffnung der öffentlichen Verwaltungen gegenüber dem Bürger und der Gesellschaft

Have think tanks in Washington D.C. become politicized?

The paper addresses the following research question: Have think tanks in Washington D.C. become politicized from 1910 to 2010, and if so why? “Politicization” is made empirically tangible with a new primary database of all D.C. think tanks existent over the last century. Public policy-oriented research and advocacy organizations are studied from an explicitly evolutionary approach for the first time. It is found that while think tanks steadily accumulated until the early 1970s, their numbers increased fivefold from the late 1970s onwards. D.C. think tanks have, in fact, become significantly politicized over time: ideological advocacy think tanks (embracing broadly “conservative” or “liberal” worldviews) came to outnumber organizationally objective (“centrist or not identifiably ideological”) academic or contract research think tanks. Most of today’s advocacy think tanks embrace identifiably conservative ideologies. Based on chronological process tracing, it is shown that changes in the non-profit resource and tax environment, a relatively weak party system and frequent partisan polarization are important explanatory factors behind the politicization phenomenon. Far from living up to their constructive potential, it is argued, the capital city’s think tanks now frequently hysterize rather than scrutinize policymaking, applying politico-ideological principles of economic interventionism and social justice or, far more often, free markets, limited government and individual liberties to all things public policy. Main scholarly and practical implications of think tanks’ politicization are sounded out. (Hertie Student Paper Series is an online publication series of Hertie School of Governance

Vom Sondersammelgebiet zum Fachinformationsdienst für die Wissenschaft: Strategien, Prozesse, Verfahren – ein persönlicher Erfahrungsbericht

Vom Sondersammelgebiet zum Fachinformationsdienst für die Wissenschaft: Strategien, Prozesse, Verfahren – ein persönlicher Erfahrungsberich

A Cross-National Measure of Electoral Competitiveness

Electoral competitiveness is a key explanatory construct across a broad swath of phenomena, finding application in diverse areas related to political incentives and behavior. Despite its frequent theoretical use, no valid measure of electoral competitiveness exists that applies across different electoral and party systems. We argue that one particular type of electoral competitiveness'electoral risk'can be estimated across institutional contexts and matters most for incumbent behavior. We propose, estimate, and make available a cross-nationally applicable measure for elections in 22 developed democracies between 1960 and 2011. Unlike extant alternatives, our measure captures vote volatility and is constructed at the party (not system) level, exogenous to most policy predictors, and congruent with the perceptions and incentives of policy-makers.</jats:p

Waiting time at health facilities and social class: Evidence from the Indian caste system.

Waiting time for non-emergency medical care in developing countries is rarely of immediate concern to policy makers that prioritize provision of basic health services. However, waiting time as a measure of health system responsiveness is important because longer waiting times worsen health outcomes and affect utilization of services. Studies that assess socio-economic inequalities in waiting time provide evidence from developed countries such as England and the United States; evidence from developing countries is lacking. In this paper, we assess the relationship between social class i.e. caste of an individual and waiting time at health facilities-a client orientation dimension of responsiveness. We use household level data from two rounds of the Indian Human Development Survey with a sample size of 27,251 households in each wave (2005 and 2012) and find that lower social class is associated with higher waiting time. This relationship is significant for individuals that visited a male provider but not so for those that visited a female provider. Further, caste is positively related to higher waiting time only if visiting a private facility; for individuals visiting a government facility the relationship between waiting time and caste is not significant. In general, caste related inequality in waiting time has worsened over time. The results are robust to different specifications and the inclusion of several confounders

Balancing power and variable renewables: Three links

Balancing power is used to quickly restore the supply-demand balance in power systems. The need for this tends to be increased by the use of variable renewable energy sources (VRE) such as wind and solar power. This paper reviews three channels through which VRE and balancing systems interact: the impact of VRE forecast errors on balancing reserve requirements; the supply of balancing services by VRE generators; and the incentives to improve forecasting provided by imbalance charges. The paper reviews the literature, provides stylized facts from German market data, and suggests policy options. Surprisingly, while German wind and solar capacity has tripled since 2008, balancing reserves have been reduced by 15%, and costs by 50%

Continuously differentiable means

The Eurozone crisis and the refugee crisis are showcases of the problems associated with the EU's shift from market integration to the integration of core state powers. The integration of core state powers responds to similar demand factors as market integration (interdependence, externalities and spillover) but its supply is more tightly constrained by a high propensity for zero‐sum conflict, a functional requirement for centralized fiscal, coercive and administrative capacities, and high political salience. We show how these constraints structured the initial design of Economic and Monetary Union and of Schengen, made them vulnerable to crisis, and shaped policy options during the crises: they made horizontal differentiation unattractive, re‐regulation ineffective, centralized risk and burden‐sharing unfeasible, and the externalization of adjustment burdens to non‐EU actors necessary by default. In conclusion, we explore possible escape routes from the trap